A long and relatively unusual wait for the appointment of a government under the Fifth Republic can be explained by the difficulty in finding candidates for ministerial positions while the next legislative elections loom.
The announcement of Elisabeth Borne’s appointment did not arouse much enthusiasm in the French press. Her profile gives the impression of a default and very bureaucratic choice.
Desperately afraid of losing their ability to control mass information flows, Soros, left-liberal EU member states, and company are urging multinational advertisers to abandon Musk’s Twitter.
Watching convicted terrorists receive political favours simply to keep the current government in power is a knife in the heart of ETA victims and their families.
The SNP displays little gratitude to the other regions of the UK without which Scotland’s very survival would be in question. Remarkably, however, it seems wedded to the idea of being part of the EU and members were furious when the UK voted to leave.
Omid Nouripour, an Iranian-born MP who for years backed the of anti-Israel BDS campaign and opposed classifying Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, has been slammed by the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) for a 2018 speech—delivered on the floor of the Bundestag—where he called on MPs to ensure that “parts of Sharia law” that are compatible with the “Basic Law” can be administered in Germany.
Of the three dominant types of welfare states, it is not easy to extract one that would be palatable to both social conservatives and social democrats—it is possible though. The path to a compromise can be found by navigating the dynamics between political methodology and political theory.
The government-commissioned report is concerned about what it calls the “disappearance of the common systemic space.” But it identifies the problem without trying to find the multiple reasons for this space’s absence.
In our own time, we have seen the rise of calls for Burkean ideals on the Left. Think only of the Social Democrats in the UK, a party that had some influence in the 1980s but are almost entirely unknown today, who are against the wokeism dominating the current political debate, and who seek to preserve local customs, and use the very conservative sounding slogan “family, community, nation” as their header on their website.
The strategy of the super-woke failson anticipates resistance by using terms and premises that the establishment cannot rebuff without rebuffing its own basis. He acts as real-world, unpaid HR department officer. This is a means for proving his ambition and ability to police discourse, that is, his managerial competence. At bare minimum, this provides an escape valve for the frustrated failson to take his anger out on culturally deprivileged groups (‘hicks,’ ‘deplorables’) while reinforcing hegemonic discourse.
Boric was a leader in the student protests in 2011 before entering politics. He unexpectedly became a presidential candidate when he beat the communist party candidate, Daniel Jadue in primaries last May. During the campaign before the second elections, he moderated his radical image—though Boric has denied being a communist.
The “fake news” of Santamarta del Pozo’s book [Fake news del Imperio español] are the age-old “tricks and hoaxes” promulgated by the enemies of Spain throughout the centuries: those who have sought to paint the country in the worst possible light. This was not done out of humanitarianism. It was done because Spain’s rivals wanted Spanish gold, political power, and colonies.
Post-Soviet countries have experienced their fair share of socialist utopia and have decided they do not want any more of it. But in the West, socialist movements like BLM are gaining ground.