It must be a confusing job to be a ‘liberal’ European journalist. One moment you are tweeting #BelieveAllWomen and worrying about the sexist rhetoric aimed at prominent female politicians, and the next you are breathlessly reporting the words of an accused domestic abuser. It is not so confusing, however, if you have an aim more important than standing up for abused women or believing them. Today, the demonisation of the Hungarian government takes precedence over any commitment to standing up for female politicians in the public eye.
This is the only way to understand the fixation of the media on the circus surrounding claims of corruption made by the ex-husband of Hungary’s former justice minister, Judit Varga. Péter Magyar should be an unlikely hero to be branded “the ex-government insider shaking up Hungarian politics.” Magyar is accused by his ex-wife of blackmail and physical abuse, a pattern she alleges intensified after she initiated divorce proceedings against him. But apparently unimportant feminist concerns such as domestic abuse or the blackmail of female politicians can be easily jettisoned if the target is a former Hungarian government minister.
The media amplification of such an unsavoury character, as Péter Magyar, fills a much-needed gap in the crusade of EU elites against Hungary: the total absence of any convincing opposition to Orbán’s government. After being roundly defeated in the latest elections, Hungary’s opposition supporters and their cheerleaders in the EU media have apparently found their figurehead. His allegations of corruption are far more important than the desire to protect or believe women.
The rationalisations of the commentariat border on sickening. One prominent, and, it must be added, highly articulate, opposition journalist has implied, in the time-honoured fashion beloved by all abusers, that Varga has brought this all on herself. Katalin Halmai, a journalist at left-wing Népszava, insisted the fault for Varga’s abuse not being taken seriously lies with the Orbán government: “The Orbán government has lied so much and conducted so many smear campaigns that when a (former) member might tell the truth, people don’t believe her.” This is the new face of ‘she was asking for it.’
Magyar appears to have charmed the European commentariat with his “rapid emergence as a political force” and his appearance as an “intellectual, well educated” individual prepared to stand up to the Big Bad Wolf of Orbán’s Hungary. This kind of political success against their sworn enemy seems to license any behaviour—including recording and exposing private conversations in the home. As for his status as an “intellectual”—this must have come in handy as he allegedly shouted at Varga and threw books and other objects at his wife.
The absence of any political line of attack on the Orbán government has led Hungary’s opposition into a truly dark place. But the glee with which the Brussels’ media has latched onto the story is perhaps even worse. Underlying their desperation are two factors. First, the unravelling of the EU’s monetary blackmail against Hungary. The Commission’s decision to unblock 10 billion euros of funds has exposed the arbitrary, even illegal, nature of the EU’s ‘rule of law’ attacks on Hungary. The attempt by the European Parliament to take the Commission to court over the action exposes the degree to which the fiction of EU law is used to pursue the political objectives of the EU elite. The EU is well-practised at constructing legalistic defences for its extra-legal activities, and the Parliament’s legal action stands only a remote chance of success. Second is the spectre of national populist parties increasing their vote at the upcoming EU Parliament elections. These populists are modelled in many ways on Orbán’s unflinching defence of Hungary’s national interests, and this only intensifies the venom of European elites towards those parties and Hungary’s government.
If the Brussels elite really wishes to confront both Orbán’s popularity and the wider failures of EU policy which have fanned the flames of European populism, they would do better to abandon the fawning over an accused abuser and confront politics head-on. But that fight, they know, is one they risk losing. Until they do, however, the sight of feminists cheering on stories grounded in violence against women will continue to expose their hypocrisy.
Believe All Women—Except When They Are Members of Fidesz
John Thys / AFP
It must be a confusing job to be a ‘liberal’ European journalist. One moment you are tweeting #BelieveAllWomen and worrying about the sexist rhetoric aimed at prominent female politicians, and the next you are breathlessly reporting the words of an accused domestic abuser. It is not so confusing, however, if you have an aim more important than standing up for abused women or believing them. Today, the demonisation of the Hungarian government takes precedence over any commitment to standing up for female politicians in the public eye.
This is the only way to understand the fixation of the media on the circus surrounding claims of corruption made by the ex-husband of Hungary’s former justice minister, Judit Varga. Péter Magyar should be an unlikely hero to be branded “the ex-government insider shaking up Hungarian politics.” Magyar is accused by his ex-wife of blackmail and physical abuse, a pattern she alleges intensified after she initiated divorce proceedings against him. But apparently unimportant feminist concerns such as domestic abuse or the blackmail of female politicians can be easily jettisoned if the target is a former Hungarian government minister.
The media amplification of such an unsavoury character, as Péter Magyar, fills a much-needed gap in the crusade of EU elites against Hungary: the total absence of any convincing opposition to Orbán’s government. After being roundly defeated in the latest elections, Hungary’s opposition supporters and their cheerleaders in the EU media have apparently found their figurehead. His allegations of corruption are far more important than the desire to protect or believe women.
The rationalisations of the commentariat border on sickening. One prominent, and, it must be added, highly articulate, opposition journalist has implied, in the time-honoured fashion beloved by all abusers, that Varga has brought this all on herself. Katalin Halmai, a journalist at left-wing Népszava, insisted the fault for Varga’s abuse not being taken seriously lies with the Orbán government: “The Orbán government has lied so much and conducted so many smear campaigns that when a (former) member might tell the truth, people don’t believe her.” This is the new face of ‘she was asking for it.’
Magyar appears to have charmed the European commentariat with his “rapid emergence as a political force” and his appearance as an “intellectual, well educated” individual prepared to stand up to the Big Bad Wolf of Orbán’s Hungary. This kind of political success against their sworn enemy seems to license any behaviour—including recording and exposing private conversations in the home. As for his status as an “intellectual”—this must have come in handy as he allegedly shouted at Varga and threw books and other objects at his wife.
The absence of any political line of attack on the Orbán government has led Hungary’s opposition into a truly dark place. But the glee with which the Brussels’ media has latched onto the story is perhaps even worse. Underlying their desperation are two factors. First, the unravelling of the EU’s monetary blackmail against Hungary. The Commission’s decision to unblock 10 billion euros of funds has exposed the arbitrary, even illegal, nature of the EU’s ‘rule of law’ attacks on Hungary. The attempt by the European Parliament to take the Commission to court over the action exposes the degree to which the fiction of EU law is used to pursue the political objectives of the EU elite. The EU is well-practised at constructing legalistic defences for its extra-legal activities, and the Parliament’s legal action stands only a remote chance of success. Second is the spectre of national populist parties increasing their vote at the upcoming EU Parliament elections. These populists are modelled in many ways on Orbán’s unflinching defence of Hungary’s national interests, and this only intensifies the venom of European elites towards those parties and Hungary’s government.
If the Brussels elite really wishes to confront both Orbán’s popularity and the wider failures of EU policy which have fanned the flames of European populism, they would do better to abandon the fawning over an accused abuser and confront politics head-on. But that fight, they know, is one they risk losing. Until they do, however, the sight of feminists cheering on stories grounded in violence against women will continue to expose their hypocrisy.
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