The most pressing and immediate danger to Europe is immigration. The mass transit of third-world populations into European countries has been the catastrophe of our century so far. In the year-to-date, Sweden—it can hardly be believed—has endured 134 bombings, and 289 shootings on its territory. Until 2017, the criminal act of ‘damage by explosive blast’ was not even recorded in Sweden, now it could well be described as typical. Across the UK, tens of thousands of English girls have been tortured and raped by gangs, largely comprised of Pakistani men. In the town of Rotherham alone, an estimated 2,000 girls, mostly aged between 11 and 16, were made victims of inhuman cruelty. Members of one gang shouted Allah Akbar after being sentenced for raping and impregnating a 12-year-old child. In France, a fifth column has been permitted to metastasise, her suburbia allowed to fall into a ruinous staging ground for terrorist assaults which visit barbarism on a civilised people.
It is for this reason—and this reason alone—that the so-called ‘far-Right’ are on the march across Europe. The Sweden Democrats, AfD, National Rally and others owe their rising political fortunes not to the tawdry wracking over woke issues or complaints around electric cars—but to this issue and no other. In turn, it is on this basis alone that they should be judged.
Giorgia Meloni’s election as Italy’s prime minister was a remarkable feat. Her party, Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), had polled a measly 2% in the 2013 general election. The FdI were then indistinguishable amongst a number of minor Italian political parties whose main function was to keep Wikipedia editors on their toes. The FdI emerged from the Movimento Sociale Italiano, widely considered neo-fascist, and the charge of being a Mussolini lover remained an Albatross around Meloni’s neck up to and throughout her election campaign. Despite all that baggage, she took the reins of the FdI in 2014 and in just eight years led it to an historic victory, at the head of a right-wing coalition. Italy’s centre-left coalition was routed—polling just 25% between four parties. Meloni admitted the improbability of such a triumph, telling the Italian Parliament in her inaugural address:
I’m what the British would call an ‘outsider,’ so to speak, the ‘underdog,’ the one who, to succeed, has to upset all the predictions. That’s what I intend to do again, upset the predictions.
This unlikely victory represented a crucial opportunity to turn Italy’s fortunes around and to light a beacon from which the rest of Europe could draw courage. Armed with a strong majority, backed by a resounding mandate, and sat squarely in the seat of power, Meloni had every opportunity to discharge her obligations to the people. Those obligations included commitments commonplace within Europe’s ‘populist’ Right, including; scepticism around the West’s COVID-19 response and opposition to woke ideology. On assuming office, Meloni quickly moved to tear up EU COVID certificates, which forced Italians to show their papers as a prerequisite to engage with large parts of civil society. Later she blocked those local authorities who were registering the names of non-biological parents on birth certificates from doing so, as was happening in the case of some gay relationships.
And she took a hard line on the issue of Ukraine. Many of Meloni’s fellow travellers on the European Right are Russophiles—she herself might be one—but after the invasion of Ukraine, the prime minister declared herself full-square behind the European Union and NATO. She demonstrated her iron resolve on this matter by whipping into line her own coalition partners, namely Matteo Salvini and the late Silvio Berlusconi, who would have preferred to take a softer line on Russia.
Media silence
A good litmus test to understand whether the powers that be, whoever they are, approve of any given thing or another is to note the scale of reportage that particular thing earns in the English-speaking press. If the masses need to be massaged into some fresh war fervour, or into such a mood that they are inclined to celebrate some new coup or another, you’ll start hearing about it on CNN. If public opinion needs to be marshalled against a threat to the regime, the BBC will make it known.
When the United States wanted to seize Venezuela’s oil in a moment of crisis, we were inundated with reports of Maduro’s security services using armoured cars to flatten supporters of the ‘real president,’ Juan Guaidó. When this limpest of regime-change efforts failed, and oil prices soared, the U.S. was suddenly taken by a change of heart. Guaidó was unmade as president, the U.S. said, and you have never heard about the baby-killing, heart-eating, democracy-hating Maduro ever since.
Other examples include the media’s sudden and unusual interest in Hungary when, in 2015, Viktor Orbán dared to exercise control over his borders and in 2011 when Gaddafi was going to ‘genocide’ Benghazi—just months after the dictator attempted to extort the EU for billions of Euros.
But concerning Meloni, there has been barely a whiff of consternation from the Anglophone press since her election victory. This is a media class, bear in mind, which greeted her triumph with a histrionic fit, describing the Italian PM as the ‘heir to Mussolini’ and the most far-Right Italian leader since the Second World War. Insofar as Meloni has earned a mention, it has been as a recipient of praise from the most pro-globalist, pro-mass migration quarters of the international media. The Times newspaper commended her “nous,” noting Meloni had “surprised critics.” The Economist lauded Meloni for cow-towing to the EU over migration in return for a 200 million euro payout, reporting:
The markets have scarcely flinched at the advent of a government spearheaded by a party that traces its origins to neo-fascism and was once unabashedly Eurosceptic … The government initially tried to block ships bringing rescued migrants to Italian ports. But when France pointed out that the move contravened Italy’s treaty commitments, it backed down.
The response by the media, and the institutions to whom they are in thrall, is the ultimate evidence that real power is not fretting over Meloni. Her first year has been a continuity exercise, which is to say, continued decline. The dismantling of COVID restrictions would have been enacted by any other leader. The fiddling around the edges of LGBT issues is ultimately unimportant—Meloni’s views on gay marriage are no different from those held by that pinnacle of reaction, Tony Blair, in the 2000s: pro-civil union. Whatever the details, these issues are in the same tier as gas stove culture wars, pointless in the final analysis.
Keep Italy Italian
Giorgia Meloni was elected for one reason and one reason only, to keep Italy Italian. A collapsing birth rate amongst natives and an influx of migration from Africa and the Middle East threatens to make a minority of Italians in their own country. This fate would mean bequeathing an ancient civilisation to those who can neither understand nor love it. A terrible fate. Writing in advance of Meloni’s election victory, I said that she would deploy the Italian navy to blockade the North African coast and work to revitalise birth rates to dispense with the need for migrant labour. This was not an act of guesswork; it came straight from the FdI’s manifesto and Meloni’s own mouth. I noted that this kind of unilateral action would not be easy—but I glimpsed in Meloni the resolve to defy the U.S. and see it through. This, after all, is a person whose Will to Power saw them ascend from Wikipedia footnote to world leader in record time.
Meloni’s commitments on this point might have been the most steadfast and explicit in European politics. In a 2018 speech to the Italian parliament, Meloni had this to say about a UN proposal on migration, known as the Migration Compact:
The Migration Compact is exactly what is needed by those who have used illegal immigration in recent decades to complete the grand plan of financial speculation to deprive nations and people of their identity. Because without roots you’re a slave, and when you’re a slave you serve the interests of [George] Soros … I remind [my] colleague Scalfarotto, when he says Italians were a people of migrants, when we migrated, nobody maintained us with 37 euros a day.
This was not an errant remark by Meloni—she published the clip on her own YouTube channel and added English subtitles to it. This was a signal of intent, a promise to the voters of Italy. But when we take stock of the reality of migration under the Meloni government, there can be no doubt that this promise has been broken and her voters betrayed. As of October 2023, more than 140,000 illegal migrants had landed on Italian shores—double the number that arrived in 2022 under Mario Draghi’s government. The crisis became beyond intolerable when, in September, over 7,000 illegal Tunisian migrants arrived on the island of Lampedusa in a single day, outnumbering the island’s native population of some 6,000 residents. The naval blockade had failed to materialise—if not now, then when?
Shirking from unilateral action, Meloni instead invited the EU Commissioner Ursula von der Leyen to the island, where the pair delivered a joint press conference. There, Meloni could be seen doing her best Mussolini impression: dressed in a black shirt, arms folded and face scrunched—a rather appropriate bit of (presumably unconscious) cosplay, since her German counterpart had assumed the senior role in the relationship. Von der Leyen took the opportunity to praise Italians for their reception of the illegals, to make the usual condemnations of people smugglers, and pledged to open up more legal routes for African migrants. The spectacle bore a depressing resemblance to a defeated party affixing its signature to an unconditional surrender document.
On legal migration, the situation is no less dire. In July, Meloni announced that her government would issue nearly half a million fresh work visas to foreign nationals over the next two years. Pre-Meloni, around 30,000 non-EU workers were granted work permits in Italy each year; under Meloni, that number is set to rise more than five-fold, to reach 165,000 in 2025. The measures are said to be aimed at addressing shortages in specific areas of the labour market, like construction. Call me a cynic but I don’t believe the people who began work on the Colosseum before the birth of Christ require specialists from Africa to build flat-pack modern housing—housing only needed to contain migrants, since Italy’s population is in decline.
Sound and fury
All of Meloni’s bluster has so far amounted to sound and fury signifying nothing. It contained all the substance of a red-meat Trump tweet. She has assumed her place in the seat of power and embarked on a programme to accelerate everything she pledged her government would reverse. Hers will go down among what is now a long list of betrayals by European politicians—from Alexis Tsipras in Greece to Boris Johnson in the UK. Meloni has revealed that she is content to take her marching orders from above, with little regard for the unimportant people below.
Some might hold out hope that Meloni is merely consolidating her position, buying time. But these 4D chess theories, like the ones trotted out to cope with the utter uselessness of Trump, Bolsonaro, and all the others, are never borne out. Italy now more than ever appears as a satrap of the European Union, tied in not just to its fiscal edicts, but to its destructive and suicidal embrace of mass migration. What voters will make of this fiasco is unclear—it is hardly worth worrying about the Left returning to power since they already have a capable representative in Meloni. The consequences could extend far beyond the trifling matter of party politics. As the population of Africa balloons, and the Middle East is rocked by fresh war, the threat of further tempestuous migration waves will only increase. It is no understatement to say if we fail to close our borders now, our fate as a continental Brazil, with favelas sprawling across Europe, stands ready in the future to receive us. That means no identity, no roots—it means, to quote Meloni—slavery.
Et Tu, Meloni?
Alexandro Michailidis / Shutterstock
The most pressing and immediate danger to Europe is immigration. The mass transit of third-world populations into European countries has been the catastrophe of our century so far. In the year-to-date, Sweden—it can hardly be believed—has endured 134 bombings, and 289 shootings on its territory. Until 2017, the criminal act of ‘damage by explosive blast’ was not even recorded in Sweden, now it could well be described as typical. Across the UK, tens of thousands of English girls have been tortured and raped by gangs, largely comprised of Pakistani men. In the town of Rotherham alone, an estimated 2,000 girls, mostly aged between 11 and 16, were made victims of inhuman cruelty. Members of one gang shouted Allah Akbar after being sentenced for raping and impregnating a 12-year-old child. In France, a fifth column has been permitted to metastasise, her suburbia allowed to fall into a ruinous staging ground for terrorist assaults which visit barbarism on a civilised people.
It is for this reason—and this reason alone—that the so-called ‘far-Right’ are on the march across Europe. The Sweden Democrats, AfD, National Rally and others owe their rising political fortunes not to the tawdry wracking over woke issues or complaints around electric cars—but to this issue and no other. In turn, it is on this basis alone that they should be judged.
Giorgia Meloni’s election as Italy’s prime minister was a remarkable feat. Her party, Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), had polled a measly 2% in the 2013 general election. The FdI were then indistinguishable amongst a number of minor Italian political parties whose main function was to keep Wikipedia editors on their toes. The FdI emerged from the Movimento Sociale Italiano, widely considered neo-fascist, and the charge of being a Mussolini lover remained an Albatross around Meloni’s neck up to and throughout her election campaign. Despite all that baggage, she took the reins of the FdI in 2014 and in just eight years led it to an historic victory, at the head of a right-wing coalition. Italy’s centre-left coalition was routed—polling just 25% between four parties. Meloni admitted the improbability of such a triumph, telling the Italian Parliament in her inaugural address:
This unlikely victory represented a crucial opportunity to turn Italy’s fortunes around and to light a beacon from which the rest of Europe could draw courage. Armed with a strong majority, backed by a resounding mandate, and sat squarely in the seat of power, Meloni had every opportunity to discharge her obligations to the people. Those obligations included commitments commonplace within Europe’s ‘populist’ Right, including; scepticism around the West’s COVID-19 response and opposition to woke ideology. On assuming office, Meloni quickly moved to tear up EU COVID certificates, which forced Italians to show their papers as a prerequisite to engage with large parts of civil society. Later she blocked those local authorities who were registering the names of non-biological parents on birth certificates from doing so, as was happening in the case of some gay relationships.
And she took a hard line on the issue of Ukraine. Many of Meloni’s fellow travellers on the European Right are Russophiles—she herself might be one—but after the invasion of Ukraine, the prime minister declared herself full-square behind the European Union and NATO. She demonstrated her iron resolve on this matter by whipping into line her own coalition partners, namely Matteo Salvini and the late Silvio Berlusconi, who would have preferred to take a softer line on Russia.
Media silence
A good litmus test to understand whether the powers that be, whoever they are, approve of any given thing or another is to note the scale of reportage that particular thing earns in the English-speaking press. If the masses need to be massaged into some fresh war fervour, or into such a mood that they are inclined to celebrate some new coup or another, you’ll start hearing about it on CNN. If public opinion needs to be marshalled against a threat to the regime, the BBC will make it known.
When the United States wanted to seize Venezuela’s oil in a moment of crisis, we were inundated with reports of Maduro’s security services using armoured cars to flatten supporters of the ‘real president,’ Juan Guaidó. When this limpest of regime-change efforts failed, and oil prices soared, the U.S. was suddenly taken by a change of heart. Guaidó was unmade as president, the U.S. said, and you have never heard about the baby-killing, heart-eating, democracy-hating Maduro ever since.
Other examples include the media’s sudden and unusual interest in Hungary when, in 2015, Viktor Orbán dared to exercise control over his borders and in 2011 when Gaddafi was going to ‘genocide’ Benghazi—just months after the dictator attempted to extort the EU for billions of Euros.
But concerning Meloni, there has been barely a whiff of consternation from the Anglophone press since her election victory. This is a media class, bear in mind, which greeted her triumph with a histrionic fit, describing the Italian PM as the ‘heir to Mussolini’ and the most far-Right Italian leader since the Second World War. Insofar as Meloni has earned a mention, it has been as a recipient of praise from the most pro-globalist, pro-mass migration quarters of the international media. The Times newspaper commended her “nous,” noting Meloni had “surprised critics.” The Economist lauded Meloni for cow-towing to the EU over migration in return for a 200 million euro payout, reporting:
The response by the media, and the institutions to whom they are in thrall, is the ultimate evidence that real power is not fretting over Meloni. Her first year has been a continuity exercise, which is to say, continued decline. The dismantling of COVID restrictions would have been enacted by any other leader. The fiddling around the edges of LGBT issues is ultimately unimportant—Meloni’s views on gay marriage are no different from those held by that pinnacle of reaction, Tony Blair, in the 2000s: pro-civil union. Whatever the details, these issues are in the same tier as gas stove culture wars, pointless in the final analysis.
Keep Italy Italian
Giorgia Meloni was elected for one reason and one reason only, to keep Italy Italian. A collapsing birth rate amongst natives and an influx of migration from Africa and the Middle East threatens to make a minority of Italians in their own country. This fate would mean bequeathing an ancient civilisation to those who can neither understand nor love it. A terrible fate. Writing in advance of Meloni’s election victory, I said that she would deploy the Italian navy to blockade the North African coast and work to revitalise birth rates to dispense with the need for migrant labour. This was not an act of guesswork; it came straight from the FdI’s manifesto and Meloni’s own mouth. I noted that this kind of unilateral action would not be easy—but I glimpsed in Meloni the resolve to defy the U.S. and see it through. This, after all, is a person whose Will to Power saw them ascend from Wikipedia footnote to world leader in record time.
Meloni’s commitments on this point might have been the most steadfast and explicit in European politics. In a 2018 speech to the Italian parliament, Meloni had this to say about a UN proposal on migration, known as the Migration Compact:
This was not an errant remark by Meloni—she published the clip on her own YouTube channel and added English subtitles to it. This was a signal of intent, a promise to the voters of Italy. But when we take stock of the reality of migration under the Meloni government, there can be no doubt that this promise has been broken and her voters betrayed. As of October 2023, more than 140,000 illegal migrants had landed on Italian shores—double the number that arrived in 2022 under Mario Draghi’s government. The crisis became beyond intolerable when, in September, over 7,000 illegal Tunisian migrants arrived on the island of Lampedusa in a single day, outnumbering the island’s native population of some 6,000 residents. The naval blockade had failed to materialise—if not now, then when?
Shirking from unilateral action, Meloni instead invited the EU Commissioner Ursula von der Leyen to the island, where the pair delivered a joint press conference. There, Meloni could be seen doing her best Mussolini impression: dressed in a black shirt, arms folded and face scrunched—a rather appropriate bit of (presumably unconscious) cosplay, since her German counterpart had assumed the senior role in the relationship. Von der Leyen took the opportunity to praise Italians for their reception of the illegals, to make the usual condemnations of people smugglers, and pledged to open up more legal routes for African migrants. The spectacle bore a depressing resemblance to a defeated party affixing its signature to an unconditional surrender document.
On legal migration, the situation is no less dire. In July, Meloni announced that her government would issue nearly half a million fresh work visas to foreign nationals over the next two years. Pre-Meloni, around 30,000 non-EU workers were granted work permits in Italy each year; under Meloni, that number is set to rise more than five-fold, to reach 165,000 in 2025. The measures are said to be aimed at addressing shortages in specific areas of the labour market, like construction. Call me a cynic but I don’t believe the people who began work on the Colosseum before the birth of Christ require specialists from Africa to build flat-pack modern housing—housing only needed to contain migrants, since Italy’s population is in decline.
Sound and fury
All of Meloni’s bluster has so far amounted to sound and fury signifying nothing. It contained all the substance of a red-meat Trump tweet. She has assumed her place in the seat of power and embarked on a programme to accelerate everything she pledged her government would reverse. Hers will go down among what is now a long list of betrayals by European politicians—from Alexis Tsipras in Greece to Boris Johnson in the UK. Meloni has revealed that she is content to take her marching orders from above, with little regard for the unimportant people below.
Some might hold out hope that Meloni is merely consolidating her position, buying time. But these 4D chess theories, like the ones trotted out to cope with the utter uselessness of Trump, Bolsonaro, and all the others, are never borne out. Italy now more than ever appears as a satrap of the European Union, tied in not just to its fiscal edicts, but to its destructive and suicidal embrace of mass migration. What voters will make of this fiasco is unclear—it is hardly worth worrying about the Left returning to power since they already have a capable representative in Meloni. The consequences could extend far beyond the trifling matter of party politics. As the population of Africa balloons, and the Middle East is rocked by fresh war, the threat of further tempestuous migration waves will only increase. It is no understatement to say if we fail to close our borders now, our fate as a continental Brazil, with favelas sprawling across Europe, stands ready in the future to receive us. That means no identity, no roots—it means, to quote Meloni—slavery.
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