At recent elections, the best option for genuine patriotic, pro-family conservatives has arguably been to reject all those on offer—to spoil one’s ballot or not turn up at the polling booth at all.
This time around, it feels as though there is more at stake.
If it wins—and it could win big—Labour, led by radical leftist Sir Keir Starmer, will undoubtedly pursue extreme and irreversible constitutional change, weakening the position of the Right for years to come. So some say conservatives should hold their noses and vote for whoever is most likely to beat the Labour candidate in their seat. Even if that means—as it does in most constituencies under our first-past-the-post electoral system—voting Tory.
Others urge the Right to play the long game—to vote Reform, even if that hands Labour more seats at this election, so that Nigel Farage’s party has a bigger platform from which to run for power at the next one (likely in 2029).
Some will play the even longer game (since the party is much smaller now) of backing the SDP in the 100+ seats that they are standing in, because it is more closely aligned with proper conservative values.
None of these options are perfect. In fact, there is no outcome that will prompt conservatives to wake up on Friday overcome with joy. But it is important to consider all these choices in any case.
Hold your nose!
Let’s look first at the option of voting Conservative. Not because they’re any good. And certainly not because they’re actually conservative. This bunch of openly liberal imposters could not have made it more clear over the past 14 years that they don’t care about defending the family, maintaining proper law and order, protecting children from sexualisation, or resisting ludicrous green initiatives—and that they are incapable of properly managing the economy, standing up to ‘woke,’ sustaining the military and controlling the nation’s borders.
It is because of all this (and much more) that Mail on Sunday columnist Peter Hitchens has long described the Tories as the main enemy of conservatism in Britain. But he now urges patriots to put their cross next to the party in order to vote against Labour.
Hitchens warns that Labour is “filled with a seething red-hot desire for major action” and that voters will come to regret kicking the flaccid Tories out of office in an act of “emotional spasm”—an act which will not punish leading Conservatives, who will enjoy spending more time with their money outside of Parliament, but the very Britons who got rid of them.
Prominent historian David Starkey has likewise highlighted that Labour is “determined” to establish a “one-party state”—one which conservatives might be unable to destroy once they have helped to allow it into power.
The polls may suggest that there is no chance now of stopping Labour’s ascendance, but polls are often wrong. Britons should use their votes in the way they see most fit, whatever the polls say.
“Talkin’ Bout a Revolution”
Farage has, of course, resisted this anti-Labour message. He says that this election is already over and that Starmer will be the next prime minister.
His is a longer-term goal, to establish a “bridgehead” in Parliament at this election with the handful of Reform candidates who could win their seats, from which a full assault can be conducted in five years’ time, at which point Labour is bound to be deeply unpopular with the electorate.
Constitutional fears aside, Reform reckons that it would be in with a serious chance of gaining power at the next general election, from which position it could lead a “political revolt.”
Many conservatives have understandably chosen to follow Farage on this journey, not least because they know him to be sound (uniquely so, as the political class goes) on so many key issues, including Britain’s relationship with the European Union and—perhaps most importantly—on the question of what to do with Britain’s borders.
Sebastian Morello, writing in The European Conservative, called Farage “the most influential British politician of this century. I refer to his almost preternatural ability to read the nation.” He emphasised that Farage’s campaign opened “the possibility for ‘deep England’ to become a political force again, which is exactly what the country is crying out for and most certainly needs.”
In an important article on the Hitchens-Reform debate, politics professor James Alexander suggests that voting Tory to stop Labour rather than backing Reform’s drive for power “might be contributing to our doom by condemning us to an unreformed system.”
It is worth noting that Reform isn’t actually conservative. Farage himself is a Thatcherite who appears more interested in economic arguments than social ones, and many on the Right are uncomfortable with its constitutional proposals.
But it is indisputable that Reform is far closer to the majority of voters on so many issues than the other major parties—miles closer, in fact. So many conservatives are choosing to park some of their concerns—for now, at least—until they have at least a partial foothold in Parliament. After all, “nobody’s perfect.”
Mighty oaks from little acorns grow
There is also the economically left, culturally traditional ‘Blue Labour’ Social Democratic Party. The SDP has an electoral pact with Reform, with the two standing aside for each other in six target constituencies, and is standing in 122 constituencies in total.
The party doesn’t have the funding enjoyed by Reform, nor the high polling figures, but it can boast a growing grassroots support base which has handed it some impressive local gains in recent years, particularly in Leeds. Conservatives reading their manifesto, aptly titled “Homecoming,” would struggle to find much with which to disagree.
These contradictory options make this election more tricky for genuine conservatives than previous elections. I suspect that many on this side of politics will choose simply to stay at home on July 4th—unable to bring themselves to vote Tory, but uncomfortable with the idea of handing Labour another seat by voting Reform where they’re highly unlikely to win.
We don’t have to wait long to find out.
What Choice Do Genuine British Conservatives Have at This Election?
A polling station sign is pictured at a sports centre in Fleet, west of London.
Photo: Adrian DENNIS / AFP
At recent elections, the best option for genuine patriotic, pro-family conservatives has arguably been to reject all those on offer—to spoil one’s ballot or not turn up at the polling booth at all.
This time around, it feels as though there is more at stake.
If it wins—and it could win big—Labour, led by radical leftist Sir Keir Starmer, will undoubtedly pursue extreme and irreversible constitutional change, weakening the position of the Right for years to come. So some say conservatives should hold their noses and vote for whoever is most likely to beat the Labour candidate in their seat. Even if that means—as it does in most constituencies under our first-past-the-post electoral system—voting Tory.
Others urge the Right to play the long game—to vote Reform, even if that hands Labour more seats at this election, so that Nigel Farage’s party has a bigger platform from which to run for power at the next one (likely in 2029).
Some will play the even longer game (since the party is much smaller now) of backing the SDP in the 100+ seats that they are standing in, because it is more closely aligned with proper conservative values.
None of these options are perfect. In fact, there is no outcome that will prompt conservatives to wake up on Friday overcome with joy. But it is important to consider all these choices in any case.
Hold your nose!
Let’s look first at the option of voting Conservative. Not because they’re any good. And certainly not because they’re actually conservative. This bunch of openly liberal imposters could not have made it more clear over the past 14 years that they don’t care about defending the family, maintaining proper law and order, protecting children from sexualisation, or resisting ludicrous green initiatives—and that they are incapable of properly managing the economy, standing up to ‘woke,’ sustaining the military and controlling the nation’s borders.
It is because of all this (and much more) that Mail on Sunday columnist Peter Hitchens has long described the Tories as the main enemy of conservatism in Britain. But he now urges patriots to put their cross next to the party in order to vote against Labour.
Hitchens warns that Labour is “filled with a seething red-hot desire for major action” and that voters will come to regret kicking the flaccid Tories out of office in an act of “emotional spasm”—an act which will not punish leading Conservatives, who will enjoy spending more time with their money outside of Parliament, but the very Britons who got rid of them.
Prominent historian David Starkey has likewise highlighted that Labour is “determined” to establish a “one-party state”—one which conservatives might be unable to destroy once they have helped to allow it into power.
The polls may suggest that there is no chance now of stopping Labour’s ascendance, but polls are often wrong. Britons should use their votes in the way they see most fit, whatever the polls say.
“Talkin’ Bout a Revolution”
Farage has, of course, resisted this anti-Labour message. He says that this election is already over and that Starmer will be the next prime minister.
His is a longer-term goal, to establish a “bridgehead” in Parliament at this election with the handful of Reform candidates who could win their seats, from which a full assault can be conducted in five years’ time, at which point Labour is bound to be deeply unpopular with the electorate.
Constitutional fears aside, Reform reckons that it would be in with a serious chance of gaining power at the next general election, from which position it could lead a “political revolt.”
Many conservatives have understandably chosen to follow Farage on this journey, not least because they know him to be sound (uniquely so, as the political class goes) on so many key issues, including Britain’s relationship with the European Union and—perhaps most importantly—on the question of what to do with Britain’s borders.
Sebastian Morello, writing in The European Conservative, called Farage “the most influential British politician of this century. I refer to his almost preternatural ability to read the nation.” He emphasised that Farage’s campaign opened “the possibility for ‘deep England’ to become a political force again, which is exactly what the country is crying out for and most certainly needs.”
In an important article on the Hitchens-Reform debate, politics professor James Alexander suggests that voting Tory to stop Labour rather than backing Reform’s drive for power “might be contributing to our doom by condemning us to an unreformed system.”
It is worth noting that Reform isn’t actually conservative. Farage himself is a Thatcherite who appears more interested in economic arguments than social ones, and many on the Right are uncomfortable with its constitutional proposals.
But it is indisputable that Reform is far closer to the majority of voters on so many issues than the other major parties—miles closer, in fact. So many conservatives are choosing to park some of their concerns—for now, at least—until they have at least a partial foothold in Parliament. After all, “nobody’s perfect.”
Mighty oaks from little acorns grow
There is also the economically left, culturally traditional ‘Blue Labour’ Social Democratic Party. The SDP has an electoral pact with Reform, with the two standing aside for each other in six target constituencies, and is standing in 122 constituencies in total.
The party doesn’t have the funding enjoyed by Reform, nor the high polling figures, but it can boast a growing grassroots support base which has handed it some impressive local gains in recent years, particularly in Leeds. Conservatives reading their manifesto, aptly titled “Homecoming,” would struggle to find much with which to disagree.
These contradictory options make this election more tricky for genuine conservatives than previous elections. I suspect that many on this side of politics will choose simply to stay at home on July 4th—unable to bring themselves to vote Tory, but uncomfortable with the idea of handing Labour another seat by voting Reform where they’re highly unlikely to win.
We don’t have to wait long to find out.
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