European parties on both sides of the spectrum have begun gearing up for next year’s European elections, but Romania’s AUR seemed especially eager to launch its official campaign in late July, almost a full year before we line up for the polls. The extravagant event, held at Bucharest’s Roman Theater, featured the introduction of 44 MEP candidates, as well as the party’s 20-point program, tailor-made to tick all the right boxes of Brussels’ sovereigntist bloc. Crowned by party leader George Simion’s explosive speech between the rows of ionic columns, the event was a testament to the party’s ambition to become a major force in shaping the continent’s future. But for those of us not yet enchanted by the former football ultra’s rhetorical talents, watching the scene unfold was inevitably paired with the reverse question: is Europe ready for AUR?
AUR (Alliance for the Union of Romanians, an acronym meaning ‘gold’) seemingly came out of nowhere in 2020. Previously dismissed as an extremist, fringe coalition of former football ultras, neo-Nazis, and alt-right trolls, it shocked the country when not only secured a place in the Parliament but did so with 9% of the total votes, becoming the 4th largest faction. And, despite (or perhaps, because of) its apparent radicalism, AUR continued to steadily grow its support in the following years, now polling at second place with 25%, just two points behind the leading Social Democrats (PSD).
Next June will mark the first time since it was established right after the last European elections that AUR will be given the chance to carve out a place for itself in Brussels’ political scene. Realistically, the party’s looking to receive between 8 to 10 seats in the European Parliament, or up to nearly a third of Romania’s total of 32. AUR has naturally begun to court prospective partners both from ECR and ID groups in anticipation of the election. It is an open secret that AUR is primarily aiming to join the former, as it attempts to distance itself from radicalism and increasingly present itself as a moderate, reliable partner, with a program that is based on anti-globalism and a cultural revival towards building a ‘Europe of nations.’
But there’s one thing everyone in Brussels should keep in mind: not all that glitters is gold. There’s no doubt that AUR is capable of evolving into a valuable member of the EU’s sovereigntist bloc that’s aiming to turn back the continent from the precipice of cultural and political suicide, but we must admit that the party also needs to do some homework before it can be fully integrated into that coalition. So, here are three areas European conservatives must expect AUR to address.
Denounce the extremist past once and for all
George Simion is not just the leader but—as in the case of many formations that came to exist riding momentary social media fame—the personification of AUR, so we should start with him. Simion’s charisma and leadership skills are well-known, but so are his past affiliations, some of which are simply incompatible with a serious future in European politics.
Before founding AUR in late 2019, Simion was best known for two things: his pro-Moldovan unionist activism (he has been banned from the country several times because of it) and occasional headlines of provocations against whatever football team was in town that week, given that he co-founded two of the most infamous hooligan groups in the country, Honor et Patria and Uniți Sub Tricolor (‘United Under the Flag’). Members of both, along with Simion, were leading the charge of a group of ultranationalist protesters who broke into the Uz Valley military cemetery—causing an international incident that still echoes in the news cycle—which contributed more than anything to the party’s victory a few months later. During election night, Simion was joined by the same groups at the AUR headquarters and was celebrated with a chants and torches.
But ultras are not the only early AUR connection that’s troubling. From the beginning, AUR events are frequented by members of the Noua Dreapta (‘New Right’), an organization that is widely recognized for its neo-fascist rhetoric and is regarded as the ideological descendant of the war-time Iron Guard party. While Simion himself has been careful not to taint his own public image with (too) questionable statements, some other AUR leaders—most of whom are now on the official EP list—apparently cared less about optics and were recorded praising both Iron Guard-founder Corneliu Codreanu and war-time dictator Ion Antonescu, the men responsible for the death of up to 380,000 Romanian Jews.
Very recently, Simion met with Israeli Ambassador Reuven Azar, after Simion publicly acknowledged Romania’s role in the Holocaust, pledged to combat antisemitism, and reinforced his party’s support for the state of Israel. While undoubtedly a commendable gesture, many remain skeptical of its sincerity, suspecting that AUR is only trying to establish itself as an ally of Likud—and by proxy, ECR.
Regardless, it’s a good start, but not enough. AUR should also denounce, publicly and unequivocally, all of its former and present ties with known extremist organizations and get rid of those in the party whose past has been tainted by them for too long. Extremism and conservatism are mutually exclusive, and a successful European conservative movement cannot accept (suspected or real) neo-Nazis in its ranks. Neither should AUR—or any other right-wing party.
Take responsibility and reassert control
Another problem that stems from the evident overlap between the AUR supporters and several extremist organizations is that occasional violence during events organized by the party not only persists but is almost commonplace at this point—and the only thing that’s worse is the party leaders, including Simion, often retreating behind plausible deniability.
Every few months, AUR rallies its supporters—usually by heavily extorting the facts about certain upcoming legislation—and holds a protest or march to signal its disagreement. Now, there’s no denying that there’s much to protest in Romanian politics. The point is that AUR demonstrations should not have such a high chance of turning violent with such regularity.
One example is a protest in front of the Parliament back in May, during which a group of demonstrators not only harassed several politicians who were trying to get into the building but even physically attacked an ex-Prime Minister of the country, pushing and kicking him on the ground. Simion’s response was that the perpetrators were not real AUR supporters and the incident could have even been a false flag organized by the party’s political opponents.
Forty-five people were fined and five protesters were arrested that time. But more recently, after another demonstration in front of the Health Ministry in August, the police issued several fines to the organizers for “inciting forced entry into the ministry’s headquarters,” as well as to protesters for climbing the building and attacking journalists. This is perhaps no surprise, given how hundreds of them stormed the Parliament itself in December 2021, an event that still lives vividly in public memory.
The reason for these incidents is quite obvious, and it’s also why Simion and AUR don’t necessarily try to prevent any of it. Controversy is politically profitable, especially for a party whose main driving force is social media. But a serious movement does not need and should not tolerate—let alone encourage—such chaos. As a bare minimum, AUR needs to reassert control over party supporters, begin building a civil discussion instead of manipulating them with emotionally charged social media posts, and start taking responsibility if (or when) things get out of hand. Anything less is a failure.
Stop provoking national minorities and build partnerships instead
To put it bluntly, AUR’s usual conduct toward minorities is despicable, a fact that cannot be overstated. Quite simply, the constant beating of war drums against ethnic Hungarians must stop.
Unfortunately, the core problem is that AUR’s public appeal has been infused with its Hungarophobia from the very beginning. The 2019 vandalism in the Uz Valley cemetery—the desecration of the hundred-year-old Austro-Hungarian graves—somehow elevated Simion into a Codreanu-esque folklore hero and heavily contributed to AUR’s electoral victory. Naturally, the party has continued with its Hungarophobic rhetoric ever since, stoking ethnic hatred and division.
On the surface, of course, AUR is not campaigning against the entire community, but merely wages a political war against the Hungarian party, RMDSZ. Often portrayed as separatist traitors to the motherland and unlawful occupiers of holy Romanian soil—or as the agents of Budapest, and therefore a dangerous, disruptive force in Romanian politics—RMDSZ is constantly attacked by AUR. The constant ideological barrage destroys every remaining ounce of nuance at the level of the average AUR supporter, who in turn—just as intended—now only sees 1.1 million enemies.
The very next day following the 2020 Romanian elections, AUR announced that it would launch a campaign for a constitutional change that would ban the RMDSZ and all parties representing ethnic minorities. Ever since that memorable introduction in Parliament, AUR has used every possible opportunity to target the Hungarian community either by suing municipalities for daring to use regional symbols or holding national holidays, or by force (through their proxies), destroying double-language street signs or defacing monuments and buildings. All while regularly harassing Hungarian politicians in the Parliament and inviting thousands to march through Hungarian towns simply to intimidate the locals.
Hungarians in Romania are tired. Tired of being treated as second-class citizens. Tired of being told that their experience is a lie because Romania is a “model” for minority protection. Tired of being treated as invaders in their own homeland. Tired of being threatened and intimidated. Tired of seeing Hungarian politicians attacked on the streets by AUR supporters, then being told that it was their fault. Tired of mainstream parties silently enabling AUR’s abuse, and tired of Brussels letting them get away with it.
No one is claiming the situation of minority rights is anywhere as bad as in Ukraine, for example, but it’s clear that AUR’s rampage is disrupting the very fabric of society, and people will get hurt if it is allowed to continue. And while it’s true that Hungarophobia primarily served as the party’s ‘gateway drug’ to hook in the masses and is no longer the primary focus point, it persists and will likely take center stage again after next year’s elections.
As a party that labels itself a champion of sovereigntism, AUR should instead pivot toward recognizing that subsidiarity—the building block of the European sovereigntist movement—belongs to everyone. As a patriotic party, AUR should see and celebrate the patriotism of others. Instead of sowing hatred and division, AUR could find an ally in Hungarians, building a partnership based on mutual respect, which in turn would make its integration into European conservatism smoother, as well.
Back to reality
The EU elections are not the only thing AUR is looking forward to in 2024, as Romania will hold three others as well: municipal, presidential, and parliamentary elections. This means the stakes are even higher for Simion and his party, as they might be within reach of winning a place in the next Romanian government. And since the EP vote is scheduled earlier than the rest, the motivation to perform has never been stronger.
Unfortunately, for many there is little hope that AUR would change in any meaningful way as we approach election day, save for a façade of civility that might temporarily mask its inherent radicalism that is all but certain to surface in time again.
AUR came to be by attracting every fringe, ultra-nationalist group in the country and succeeding in uniting them under a single banner. Then it kept growing because there was no one else in Bucharest to take on the role of the anti-globalist, sovereigntist Right. Nonetheless, the problems listed here are part of its core identity; it would be nearly impossible to strip AUR of its extremism without destroying the party’s success in the process, at least in the short run.
So, the original question remains: does AUR deserve a place in the European conservative architecture? There is no universal answer; every party must decide for themselves. Gatekeeping the Right will not be the first priority as Brussels slowly turns into a battlefield, but the long-term survival of the movement might just depend on it.
