A salient example of the autocratic aspirations of the globalist elite is Brussels’ compulsion to decide who and how should lead a sovereign member state. Manfred Weber, president of the European People’s Party, declared: “As Tusk managed to defeat Kaczyńsi, so will Péter Magyar defeat Viktor Orbán; Péter Magyar is the future.” Weber has every right to be upset about and criticize the EU policy of any member state, but he certainly has no authority to try and designate the prime minister of a country by interfering in its internal affairs. And yet, he is obviously keen on employing the formula that has worked so well in Poland: enabling the demonization of the conservative government, supporting the opposition, and disregarding the unlawful machinations of the latter.
After the 2023 change of government Donald Tusk admitted to wanting to cement the constitutional order with unconstitutional tools. He stated, “If we want to restore the constitutional order… we will probably make mistakes or commit actions that, according to some legal authorities, will be inconsistent or not fully compliant with the provisions of the law.” Well, Péter Magyar went one step further by giving an exact number of those they are planning to start criminal procedures against once in power.
Tusk pledged allegiance to Brussels, the American Democrats and globalist big caps when during his parliamentary hearing, saying he denounces governments that are “working to weaken the [Western] alliance”; that he will be a loyal ally of the United States; and that Poland’s task is “to loudly and firmly demand the full determination from the entire Western community to help Ukraine in this war.”
We see the exact same thing with Magyar’s Tisza Party (EPP). The Péter Magyar bunch keep voting in favour and support everything the Brussels elite expects, starting with the re-election of Ursula von der Leyen. As Tisza MEP Zoltán Tarr put it, “in many ways we indeed endorse the positions of the European People’s Party, which is a sort of obligation as well. During the vote on the EU budget Magyar and his fellow party members supported allocating 25 million Euros more on implementing the migration pact, which would make the redistribution of migrants compulsory, with a fine of 20,000 Euros per migrant to be imposed on those who fail to comply. Lakos opines that Hungary should pay the absurdly high penalty adjudicated by the Court of the European Union (200 million Euros plus one million Euros per day in case of non-compliance).
The Tisza Party does not only keenly kowtow to Brussels, but has also voiced its support for loyal cooperation with the United States, expressing its agreement with the previous administration on unconditional support for Ukraine. Wearing T-shirts with the Ukrainian flag, the Tisza MEPs also joined in the standing ovation following Zelensky’s remarks on the 100th day of the outbreak of the war.
The Tusk government began the “restoring of the rule of law” with political cleansing, forcibly occupying the public media and appointing its new leaders with total disregard for the laws in force. The minister for culture and heritage protection simply relieved of their duties the chief executives of Polish public media, on the basis of a parliamentary resolution, and created new supervisory boards, thus bypassing a normative act that is at the top of the legal hierarchy with the stroke of a pen.
Péter Magyar has also declared war on all media outlets and journalists who used negative adjectives in relation to him or reported on any of his (numerous) scandals. He has labelled several outlets as propaganda media, calling for the boycott of the “propaganda products” of the Hungarian public media and has also demanded the dismissal of the CEO and other executives of the National Media and Information Authority. By repeatedly dismissing Hungarian public media as a broadcaster “Göbbelsian propaganda,” he is clearly attempting to build up legitimacy that would justify the copying of the Polish model.
While Magyar’s wishful thinking and Tusk’s actions in terms of the treatment of the media are far from being democratic, Brussels has made it clear that if there was a change of government in Hungary (spearheaded by Tisza), it would release all funding previously withheld on the grounds of rule of law concerns, and has indeed disbursed all the funds due to Poland as soon as Tusk entered office.
In January 2024, former Interior Minister Mariusz Kaminski and his deputy were arrested in a case in which the President had already pardoned them. In a state governed by the rule of law, pardoned perpetrators cannot be prosecuted again for the same crime. However, in Poland, the law has been subordinated to political opportunism and Tusk-style class struggle: since the change of government, the new Minister of Justice has dismissed numerous court leaders for their—presumed—political views, has challenged more than a hundred judicial appointments for political reasons, and has also illegally, without the President’s approval, sought to remove the incumbent prosecutor general.
In the summer of 2024, opposition MP Marcin Romanowski was illegally arrested as a suspect in a criminal case in which he had already been acquitted in a binding verdict. Father Michal Olszewski, who was arrested for political reasons, was held in handcuffs for hours, denied food and was not allowed to consult with his lawyer. The latter case raises the possibility of a violation of the UN Convention against Torture, the European Convention on Human Rights and the Polish Constitution.
The Polish prosecutor’s office has initiated ECJ proceedings against Poland for serious violations of the rule of law, but their motion was not addressed in substance. This double standard in Brussels may encourage Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar to promise measures reminiscent of the Polish ones, such as the dismissal of the President of the State Audit Office, members of the Constitutional Court, the Prosecutor General and the President of the Republic.
A new head of state replaced illegitimately would be exactly what the Hungarian Left has accused presidents nominated by Fidesz of being: a puppet of the government.
Just as was the case with Poland, we can expect that all Brussels concerns regarding the rule of law in Hungary would magically evaporate should Magyar gain power. In exchange for giving up our sovereignty, Brussels would “generously” offer Hungary the resources that it is entitled to anyway. But in 2026, it will be Hungarian voters and not Brussels bureaucrats who go to the polls and decide whether to follow the Polish path or keep Hungary a sovereign, Hungarian country.
Is Brussels Attempting to Export the ‘Polish Model’ to Hungary?
Leader of Hungarian Tisza party Péter Magyar (L) and President of the European People’s Party (EPP) Manfred Weber (R)
Attila Kisbenedek / AFP
A salient example of the autocratic aspirations of the globalist elite is Brussels’ compulsion to decide who and how should lead a sovereign member state. Manfred Weber, president of the European People’s Party, declared: “As Tusk managed to defeat Kaczyńsi, so will Péter Magyar defeat Viktor Orbán; Péter Magyar is the future.” Weber has every right to be upset about and criticize the EU policy of any member state, but he certainly has no authority to try and designate the prime minister of a country by interfering in its internal affairs. And yet, he is obviously keen on employing the formula that has worked so well in Poland: enabling the demonization of the conservative government, supporting the opposition, and disregarding the unlawful machinations of the latter.
After the 2023 change of government Donald Tusk admitted to wanting to cement the constitutional order with unconstitutional tools. He stated, “If we want to restore the constitutional order… we will probably make mistakes or commit actions that, according to some legal authorities, will be inconsistent or not fully compliant with the provisions of the law.” Well, Péter Magyar went one step further by giving an exact number of those they are planning to start criminal procedures against once in power.
Tusk pledged allegiance to Brussels, the American Democrats and globalist big caps when during his parliamentary hearing, saying he denounces governments that are “working to weaken the [Western] alliance”; that he will be a loyal ally of the United States; and that Poland’s task is “to loudly and firmly demand the full determination from the entire Western community to help Ukraine in this war.”
We see the exact same thing with Magyar’s Tisza Party (EPP). The Péter Magyar bunch keep voting in favour and support everything the Brussels elite expects, starting with the re-election of Ursula von der Leyen. As Tisza MEP Zoltán Tarr put it, “in many ways we indeed endorse the positions of the European People’s Party, which is a sort of obligation as well. During the vote on the EU budget Magyar and his fellow party members supported allocating 25 million Euros more on implementing the migration pact, which would make the redistribution of migrants compulsory, with a fine of 20,000 Euros per migrant to be imposed on those who fail to comply. Lakos opines that Hungary should pay the absurdly high penalty adjudicated by the Court of the European Union (200 million Euros plus one million Euros per day in case of non-compliance).
The Tisza Party does not only keenly kowtow to Brussels, but has also voiced its support for loyal cooperation with the United States, expressing its agreement with the previous administration on unconditional support for Ukraine. Wearing T-shirts with the Ukrainian flag, the Tisza MEPs also joined in the standing ovation following Zelensky’s remarks on the 100th day of the outbreak of the war.
The Tusk government began the “restoring of the rule of law” with political cleansing, forcibly occupying the public media and appointing its new leaders with total disregard for the laws in force. The minister for culture and heritage protection simply relieved of their duties the chief executives of Polish public media, on the basis of a parliamentary resolution, and created new supervisory boards, thus bypassing a normative act that is at the top of the legal hierarchy with the stroke of a pen.
Péter Magyar has also declared war on all media outlets and journalists who used negative adjectives in relation to him or reported on any of his (numerous) scandals. He has labelled several outlets as propaganda media, calling for the boycott of the “propaganda products” of the Hungarian public media and has also demanded the dismissal of the CEO and other executives of the National Media and Information Authority. By repeatedly dismissing Hungarian public media as a broadcaster “Göbbelsian propaganda,” he is clearly attempting to build up legitimacy that would justify the copying of the Polish model.
While Magyar’s wishful thinking and Tusk’s actions in terms of the treatment of the media are far from being democratic, Brussels has made it clear that if there was a change of government in Hungary (spearheaded by Tisza), it would release all funding previously withheld on the grounds of rule of law concerns, and has indeed disbursed all the funds due to Poland as soon as Tusk entered office.
In January 2024, former Interior Minister Mariusz Kaminski and his deputy were arrested in a case in which the President had already pardoned them. In a state governed by the rule of law, pardoned perpetrators cannot be prosecuted again for the same crime. However, in Poland, the law has been subordinated to political opportunism and Tusk-style class struggle: since the change of government, the new Minister of Justice has dismissed numerous court leaders for their—presumed—political views, has challenged more than a hundred judicial appointments for political reasons, and has also illegally, without the President’s approval, sought to remove the incumbent prosecutor general.
In the summer of 2024, opposition MP Marcin Romanowski was illegally arrested as a suspect in a criminal case in which he had already been acquitted in a binding verdict. Father Michal Olszewski, who was arrested for political reasons, was held in handcuffs for hours, denied food and was not allowed to consult with his lawyer. The latter case raises the possibility of a violation of the UN Convention against Torture, the European Convention on Human Rights and the Polish Constitution.
The Polish prosecutor’s office has initiated ECJ proceedings against Poland for serious violations of the rule of law, but their motion was not addressed in substance. This double standard in Brussels may encourage Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar to promise measures reminiscent of the Polish ones, such as the dismissal of the President of the State Audit Office, members of the Constitutional Court, the Prosecutor General and the President of the Republic.
A new head of state replaced illegitimately would be exactly what the Hungarian Left has accused presidents nominated by Fidesz of being: a puppet of the government.
Just as was the case with Poland, we can expect that all Brussels concerns regarding the rule of law in Hungary would magically evaporate should Magyar gain power. In exchange for giving up our sovereignty, Brussels would “generously” offer Hungary the resources that it is entitled to anyway. But in 2026, it will be Hungarian voters and not Brussels bureaucrats who go to the polls and decide whether to follow the Polish path or keep Hungary a sovereign, Hungarian country.
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