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The English are Demoralised by Mario Laghos

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The English are Demoralised

Photo: Linton on Ouse Action Group @LintonAction

Last year, 30,000 illegal immigrants made their way to Britain by boat. By the end of this year, a further 100,000 will arrive. The Home Office is spending billions of pounds of taxpayer’s cash to accommodate the intruders in hotels. To cut costs, the government now proposes to relocate some of these freeloaders in disused military facilities. In accordance with this plan, 1,500 are set to be housed in an old Royal Air Force base in the Yorkshire town of Linton-on-Ouse. The population of the town is just 700. Overnight, the residents will be made strangers on their own streets by a force of overwhelmingly Muslim men. 

It’s a symptom of our national decay that this crime against our people can be committed without a furious backlash. Though the townsfolk have demonstrated bravery in their resistance—through their rallies, meetings, and media appearances—the solidarity of the rest of the country remains conspicuous by its absence. The English people have been so thoroughly demoralised that the brazen Islamisation of an entire community is shrugged off as just another detail of decline. 

The wholesale deracination of the British people is going unanswered. There is a national lethargy amongst the majority, born of their every attempt at resistance to the regime so far having been crushed underfoot. Our working-class won two world wars, but could not thereafter overcome their own rulers. Industrial workers were smashed into submission by truncheons when they tried to hold out against Margaret Thatcher’s globalist agenda. The generational unemployment which followed bred an atomised underclass, estranged from their sense of community and nation by the collapse of the old unions, factories, and the church. 

In the 2000s, there were mass mobilisations against Islamic grooming gangs. But their illicit crimes were not just covered up by the establishment, but in some cases, actively conducted by it. The head of the Rochdale grooming gang, which plied white British girls with heroin and raped them, worked as the Welfare officer for Oldham council. The English Defence League marched across the country, commanding the support of millions across social media. Their efforts exposed the crimes which many at the time denied. That accomplishment could not be forgiven, a ‘sin’ for which their leader was imprisoned, their supporters were branded as racists, and their social hubs on Facebook were broken up, atomising the collective into ineffectual units.

The summer of 2020 saw radical mobs in England desecrating memorials in the name of George Floyd, as the police watched on their knees. When veterans, football fans, and workers descended to protect their heritage in opposition to BLM, they were met mob-handed by riot police who were suspiciously keen to mete out a level of violence from which the BLM rioters were spared. 

It is not just in the streets, but at every level of society that the national spirit is suppressed. Whether it’s the rollout of ‘drag queen story hour’ to children’s libraries, gender neutral school uniforms, ‘diverse’ programming in television and film, LGBT zebra crossings, footballers taking the knee before every kick off, the proliferation of Communist pundits in the mainstream, our people look at their country and resign themselves to the inevitable conclusion that the battle had been lost some time ago. 

In the courts, Extinction Rebellion protesters are spared convictions for their blockades and vandalism time after time. Four rioters were fully acquitted of throwing the statue of Edward Colston into the harbour, on account of their claims that the very existence of the statue was itself a hate crime toward them. And yet, illegal immigrants can’t be deported because of interventions by human rights lawyers and the European Court of Human Rights. A man who tweeted a racist comment at England football player, Marcus Rashford, was jailed for six weeks. A ten-week suspended sentence was dolled out to a tactless bloke who made a joke about Grenfell tower burning down. And most infamously, a Scottish man was fined for teaching his pug to give Nazi salutes. Their violence is legal, your jokes are not. 

It’s no wonder that there is such little appetite for resistance. We greet each new great calamity with a chasmic yawn and fateful apathy. But this shouldn’t be so in a democracy. The will of the people ought to be the predominant force in our society. After all, that will has been expressed in opposition to mass migration, both legal and illegal, in overwhelming numbers at the ballot box. The establishment were defied when 17.4 million voters chose Brexit. The Tories won a landslide in 2019, in large part because of their promises to introduce an Australian-style immigration system. At every turn the British people vote for parties and provisions which purport to stand in their interests. But no referenda or election halts the displacement and radical deconstruction of our culture. The force of decay marches on, a power which exists outside of democracy as surely as God exists outside of time. 

Stephen Watson, the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester police, recently apologised to the public on the heels of a report which exposed that predominantly Pakistani men had spent decades raping young white British girls, without intervention from the authorities at any level. One victim, a 12-year-old girl, was turned away from the police station when she attempted to report the crimes being committed against her. Hours later, the girl was gang raped by multiple men, again. 

But even the damning report that prompted the apology is, itself, a product of political correctness. It found that it was legitimate for the authorities to fear that the ‘far-Right’ could capitalise on the situation. Even when the most grievous crimes against our people are exposed, the sights cannot fall on the perpetrators, who are rarely mentioned, but instead they must be levelled in a rear-guard action against those who want justice. 

In any serious country, these revelations would have triggered an outpouring of public anger. There would be marches on the streets, wholesale arrests of the complicit, and mass resignations amongst the council, social services, and police forces of the Manchester area. In Japan (though of course such a thing would never happen there) those responsible would literally fall on their swords. But the findings of the report commanded the broadcast media’s attention for a single day, and then disappeared. 

The truth is that these Islamic grooming gangs still operate across the length and breadth of the country. The coverups are still ongoing. But the majority in this country don’t have permission to have so much as a politically incorrect thought—never mind the ability, capacity, or leadership required to take direct action. An utterance against grooming must be prefaced with “I’m not racist but…”; if you don’t want grown men in your daughter’s changing rooms it’s “I’m not transphobic but…” It has to be so, or you’ll be banned from social media, or arrested for a hate crime, or both.  

We can’t say what we think, let alone do what we want. Our leaders refuse to manifest our opposition to illegal immigration, rape gangs, and sexual predation. They lack the political will to tackle these plagues on society, and our people are too demoralised to do anything about it. The surprising thing about Linton-on-Ouse affair is not that the country at large is standing on the sidelines as an audience to its own demise, but that the villagers themselves had the moral courage to make a stand.

Mario Laghos is a political analyst, author, and the editor of Just Debate.

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