One of the news pieces that congealed my thinking about mass migration was that of the email leak suffered by U.S. Amazon-owned company Whole Foods, which revealed that it was producing a “heat map” to visualise different characteristics of the workforce at its over 500 locations, among these a “diversity index.”
Apparently, this exercise determined that the higher the diversity at a particular location, the lower the risk of unionising.
The conclusion is nothing new. Hannah Arendt discusses how social atomization leads to increased top-down control in her The Origins of Totalitarianism. The breakdown of common cultural frames brought about by mass migration would certainly contribute to atomization and, therefore, reduce a social body’s ability to organise in the face of unpopular management or policy decisions.
In the case of the EU, its current policy priorities and funding schemes are largely justified in terms of the new, mercurial concept of increasing social ‘resilience’. In its draft, Resilience Dashboard, the Commission breaks this concept down into many sub-indices, according to which, for example, an increase in the total non-EU origin workforce (or in the settled refugees in a Member State as a percentage of its total population), all increase its resilience.
The reason for this is that, in truth, it is not the country’s resilience that is being looked at, but the resilience of the wider system into which it is integrated—a system that, like the managers at Whole Foods, is the more stable the less resistance its workforce (in political terms, civil society), puts up.
Crucially, then, the fuzzy, pro-mass migration discourse of the postmodern Left, which insists that countries and cultures have no coherent identity worth retaining, serves de facto as the digestive enzyme of hyper-capitalism.
We may be tempted to think this kind of program is only being deployed against Western countries, but this is not the case.
In a BBC documentary about Africa which aired several years ago, the host travels around the continent and at one point arrives in southern Ghana, where she makes the point that the Asante people who live there are not—for all their rich history and marked legacy of resistance against foreign domination—a single people, but an amalgam of tribes. We may remember how, during the Black Lives Matter protests, several U.S. Democrats, including Nancy Pelosi, took a knee donning Kente clothes, which originate with the Asante. The sort of culturally deconstructivist discourse the Democrats in question would be largely aligned with, then, would deny the Asante their coherence, and conceive of them, as of every people, as a mere amalgam, even as their symbols are appropriated.
The body, it seems, is to be defined as a collection of organs, not a single unit.
This allergy to describing things in terms of what pulls them together rather than in purely reductionist terms has its philosophical and spiritual reasons for being, but it also makes sense in terms of starkly material interests.
If one’s intention is to dominate the other, to treat the other as mere resource, then it is inconvenient for him to come to the negotiating table with a definite position and personality, as a single unit, with its own ideas and interests. Much better to convince one’s interlocutor that he doesn’t really exist, that he is a mere amalgam of parts and, therefore, mere resource, wherein nothing much is lost if he is moved around through the market-driven flux of economic deprivation and mass migration.
The same disposition appears in the taste for abstract art among the cultural elite, the sense that representational art is passée: not coherent forms, but random geometry, for the coherent form demands that we treat the other as endowed with its own character, which the dominator loathes to do.
The above approach can build bridges between Left and Right, especially given the former’s abandonment by its parties, who no longer treat the working class as their major demographic, leaving many people politically orphaned.
The Left: Capitalism’s Enzyme
One of the news pieces that congealed my thinking about mass migration was that of the email leak suffered by U.S. Amazon-owned company Whole Foods, which revealed that it was producing a “heat map” to visualise different characteristics of the workforce at its over 500 locations, among these a “diversity index.”
Apparently, this exercise determined that the higher the diversity at a particular location, the lower the risk of unionising.
The conclusion is nothing new. Hannah Arendt discusses how social atomization leads to increased top-down control in her The Origins of Totalitarianism. The breakdown of common cultural frames brought about by mass migration would certainly contribute to atomization and, therefore, reduce a social body’s ability to organise in the face of unpopular management or policy decisions.
In the case of the EU, its current policy priorities and funding schemes are largely justified in terms of the new, mercurial concept of increasing social ‘resilience’. In its draft, Resilience Dashboard, the Commission breaks this concept down into many sub-indices, according to which, for example, an increase in the total non-EU origin workforce (or in the settled refugees in a Member State as a percentage of its total population), all increase its resilience.
The reason for this is that, in truth, it is not the country’s resilience that is being looked at, but the resilience of the wider system into which it is integrated—a system that, like the managers at Whole Foods, is the more stable the less resistance its workforce (in political terms, civil society), puts up.
Crucially, then, the fuzzy, pro-mass migration discourse of the postmodern Left, which insists that countries and cultures have no coherent identity worth retaining, serves de facto as the digestive enzyme of hyper-capitalism.
We may be tempted to think this kind of program is only being deployed against Western countries, but this is not the case.
In a BBC documentary about Africa which aired several years ago, the host travels around the continent and at one point arrives in southern Ghana, where she makes the point that the Asante people who live there are not—for all their rich history and marked legacy of resistance against foreign domination—a single people, but an amalgam of tribes. We may remember how, during the Black Lives Matter protests, several U.S. Democrats, including Nancy Pelosi, took a knee donning Kente clothes, which originate with the Asante. The sort of culturally deconstructivist discourse the Democrats in question would be largely aligned with, then, would deny the Asante their coherence, and conceive of them, as of every people, as a mere amalgam, even as their symbols are appropriated.
The body, it seems, is to be defined as a collection of organs, not a single unit.
This allergy to describing things in terms of what pulls them together rather than in purely reductionist terms has its philosophical and spiritual reasons for being, but it also makes sense in terms of starkly material interests.
If one’s intention is to dominate the other, to treat the other as mere resource, then it is inconvenient for him to come to the negotiating table with a definite position and personality, as a single unit, with its own ideas and interests. Much better to convince one’s interlocutor that he doesn’t really exist, that he is a mere amalgam of parts and, therefore, mere resource, wherein nothing much is lost if he is moved around through the market-driven flux of economic deprivation and mass migration.
The same disposition appears in the taste for abstract art among the cultural elite, the sense that representational art is passée: not coherent forms, but random geometry, for the coherent form demands that we treat the other as endowed with its own character, which the dominator loathes to do.
The above approach can build bridges between Left and Right, especially given the former’s abandonment by its parties, who no longer treat the working class as their major demographic, leaving many people politically orphaned.
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