There are other domains of human life that I believe are best viewed as commons, as emergent, critical societal assets prone to careless destruction by unsustainable use, less tangible than pasture land, but in many ways, much more important in our daily lives.

One way to limit how much insanity one absorbs is to simply limit our exposure. But this is merely a stopgap. One needs interior fortification to navigate the maze of madness, and this fortification can and should range from the silly to the sublime.

The connection between anti-hunting attitudes and fascism may, in fact, be a deep one.

In the current climate, Sinn Fein’s brand of neo-Marxist secularism, abetted by deceitful propaganda of the kind at which Communists excel, has been able to hoodwink a great many Irish voters into supporting their neo-Marxist policies.

A common sentiment among the population is that Ukrainians cannot afford to indulge in woe but should do their best to rebuild, regain lost wealth, and live on.

“The world is full of devouring wolves, and you, unfaithful dog, know not how to bark.”

The policies that have provoked these protests differ, but there is a common conviction driving the backlash: the elites imposing these agendas do not and will not suffer the consequences of their own policies.

Placing one’s social role ahead of one’s personal preferences is certainly a sacrifice, but the assumption by some that such a sacrifice must make it impossible to live authentically or happily is far from being true.

In radically diverse societies lacking a clear religious and cultural majority, it becomes obvious that worldviews sometimes harbour radically different ideas of what it means to be human.

Perhaps people have bought into the various scarcity programs of recent years—the scarcity of social contacts during the pandemic, scarcity of energy, scarcity of food—because it makes them feel alive again.

This essay may not be a plug-and-play survival guide to inflation, but it should help to explain where you can go and what information you can find, in order to educate yourself on inflation, specifically energy costs.

To use the Foucauldian jargon, the new left-wing aristocrats are forever manufacturing ‘epistemes’—that is, structures of knowledge—which serve to sustain their dominance of Western society.

Listening to pop music—like the rest of modernity—marks an education in unreality, which is no education at all. Folk music, on the other hand, is invariably rooted in the concrete reality of life.

“The world is full of devouring wolves, and you, unfaithful dog, know not how to bark.”

If these four companies—WeWork, Uber, Airbnb, and DoorDash—were representative of what American capitalism had to offer, there would be reasons for grave concern about the future of our economic system.

Is there a proper way to differentiate between true refugees and opportunists? It is a hard question to answer. But one thing is sure: it is never a loss when the Church gets actively involved in a refugee’s life. While the system can be cheated, God cannot.

It is very difficult to argue for the Burkean Contract. If one sees oneself as a morally isolated, radical individual for whom history means nothing and for whom nothing is owed to the future, no amount of disputation will let in the light.

In the arena of the culture war, ideas become political brands, stitched into the terrible body of the news cycle, until they share in that sickly bloodstream. Instead of building civic participation, they get their oxygen from media attention.

While distinguishing between good and bad taste undoubtedly smells like an elitist activity, the conditions that Hume attaches to it do not, at first glance, seem to be.

Beneath the tales of Almanzor’s campaigns is an intriguing subtext which seems to subvert preconceived modern Muslim and Christian notions of what medieval warfare between the two great religions was actually like in Al-Andalus.

The Bible recommends that kings be anointed after the conquest of their realm. Institutions are not to be founded in the throes of a crisis, which would result in their legitimising themselves through that crisis and so perpetuating it.

President Vladimir Putin has vowed to “de-Nazify” Ukraine. To understand the Kremlin’s propaganda, we must go back to the Second World War and even earlier.

The final in a three-part series exploring Shakespeare’s engagement with pagan/Roman morality in Julius Caesar, this essay looks at suicide in the play.

When I first heard Elendil’s line in the third teaser trailer, “The past is dead, we either move forward or die with it,” I became fixated with the whole carnival surrounding Amazon’s billion dollar creative venture—how could it be that J.R.R. Tolkien, a Tridentine-Mass-loving skeptic of modernity was providing the aesthetic and imaginative fuel of woke intersectionalists and activist ideologues in Hollywood?

“As president of Colombia I request that the sword of Bolivar be brought out,” declared Petro. Attendees stood. The king of Spain remained seated.

The second in a three-part series exploring Shakespeare’s engagement with pagan/Roman morality in Julius Caesar, this essay looks at the ethics of regicide.

Kierkegaard is hardly known for his political thought but he was a keen observer of his age, including the political revolutions and ideologies of his time.

The rise of videos celebrating and glamourizing mental illness is one of the alarming consequences of our ‘post-truth’ culture.

It isn’t easy for Europeans to love a place. Which is a provocative way of saying it isn’t easy for modern people to do so. We—moderns in general—are biassed towards language, and sooner see what we believe than believe what we see.

If these academics are believed, every closet in Middle Earth is absolutely stuffed with creatures eager to launch Pride Parades in Mordor and Drag Queen Story Hour in the Shire. This work is not simply academic navel-gazing—activists have petitioned Amazon to include LGBT characters in the new small screen adaption of Tolkien’s work.