“Peace is precious, freedom is priceless,” declared former NATO Secretary General Anders Rasmussen in his opening speech at the sixth Copenhagen Democracy Summit on Monday, May 15th, where he presented the Alliance for Democracies’ “Seven-Point Plan for Ukraine,” also dubbed as the “Ukraine Charter.” The proposal calls for open-ended military support, restoration of Ukraine’s full territorial integrity, and Western security guarantees followed by NATO and EU accession.
The Copenhagen Democracy Summit is a highly prestigious international conference, organized annually since 2018 by the former NATO chief and Danish prime minister’s global think tank, the Alliance for Democracies, which also publishes the yearly Democracy Perception Index.
It’s not surprising that this year’s edition turned heavily security-focused, with nearly all talks and panels dealing with separate aspects of the war in Ukraine. Along with President Zelensky himself, the impressive speaker’s list includes some of the most prominent supporters of the Ukrainian cause, such as NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Liz Truss, Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, Czech President Petr Pavel, and Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas.
But perhaps the most meaningful aspect of Democracy Summit 2023 is the unveiling of the host think tank’s seven-pointed foreign policy program for addressing Ukraine’s both short- and long-term security issues, the Ukraine Charter.
The significance of the document is also meant to be underlined by its informal name, as it is directly inspired by the Atlantic Charter of 1941, the wartime declaration agreed upon by Roosevelt and Churchill. With all these heads of state legitimizing the Ukraine Charter, it should be regarded as the West’s collective program towards Ukraine, both during the war and beyond.
“Let us send a loud and clear message from this summit: freedom will prevail,” Rasmussen said in his speech, after underlining that a Russian victory would mean the defeat of democracy by the hands of autocracy worldwide. “Only a clear demonstration of determination deters despots,” he added, “that is why we must ensure that Ukraine wins the war and secures a sustainable peace.”
The seven points of the Charter, also published online, add up to a “comprehensive vision to help Ukraine” achieve those two goals. The points are as follows:
- “Open-ended military support to Ukraine and a guarantee of its security until [it] joins NATO.” The Charter calls for the codification of “this multi-decade effort” of endless weapons shipments and defense responsibilities through “binding commitments” signed by a “core group of international partners.”
- “Full restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity … including Crimea.” Retaking Crimea would also improve European stability, the Charter argues, since any remaining territorial disputes continue to carry the risk of renewed hostilities.
- “Withdrawal of all Russian troops from Ukraine,” as the foremost requirement for gradually lifting the sanctions currently imposed on Russia.
- “Ensure accountability of war crimes.” Specifically, the document envisions the creation of a Nuremberg-like “Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression” to prosecute Russian war criminals, as well as the establishment of certain compensation mechanisms.
- “A grand plan for rebuilding … Ukraine.” The reconstruction should follow a three-step plan: Kyiv outlines the priorities, the West coordinates international assistance, and the work begins “by the private sector in a market-oriented manner.” The Charter adds that the Western assistance will only complement the €300 billion of frozen Russian central bank assets reserved for this purpose.
- “Accelerate [Ukraine’s] necessary reforms” by helping it eradicate corruption, strengthen the rule of law, and thus “solidify its democratic foundations.”
- “A roadmap and firm commitment to Ukraine about [NATO and EU] membership.” The Charter calls for the West to prioritize Ukraine’s accession processes, especially into NATO, which it sees as the only true guarantor of Ukrainian security. In turn, it argues, Ukraine would also strengthen NATO as a whole.
“We must ensure a Ukrainian victory,” Rasmussen underlined, “to ensure a world governed by the rule of law, and not the rule of the ruthless.”
However, as he circled back to the idea several times, he averred that the most important part was not so much Ukraine’s immediate victory but ensuring its security after the war. “Until Ukraine is covered by NATO’s Article 5, it will need robust security guarantees from its allies,” Rasmussen said.
The plan may be merely symbolic. Even so, it would still be interesting to know a few more details. For instance, who would the “core group” of partners to sign the binding security guarantees include? If Brussels were to decide to sign up for endless delivery and patrol duty on behalf of the entire bloc, this would be quite problematic.
We might consider what happens if Russia doesn’t give up Crimea, which has been de facto Russian territory for almost a decade now, or what happens if Crimeans or the people of Donbas insist on deciding their national allegiance for themselves. The Charter doesn’t say a single word about any referenda.
We might speculate how they plan to get Putin and his leadership to undergo trial by a special tribunal. The last time, Nuremberg only worked because Germany was reduced to a pile of smoking rubble, but we’re only still talking about Ukraine here and not attacking Russia … right?
When it comes down to it, the Democracy Summit has no international authority whatsoever, neither to implement these points nor to force any country to do so. Yet, judged by the attendees of the event, these points can be expected to be voiced more and more often in the coming months, transforming the Charter into the official Ukraine policy of the West—if it isn’t already.
Democracy Summit Unveils 7-Point Ukraine Charter
“Peace is precious, freedom is priceless,” declared former NATO Secretary General Anders Rasmussen in his opening speech at the sixth Copenhagen Democracy Summit on Monday, May 15th, where he presented the Alliance for Democracies’ “Seven-Point Plan for Ukraine,” also dubbed as the “Ukraine Charter.” The proposal calls for open-ended military support, restoration of Ukraine’s full territorial integrity, and Western security guarantees followed by NATO and EU accession.
The Copenhagen Democracy Summit is a highly prestigious international conference, organized annually since 2018 by the former NATO chief and Danish prime minister’s global think tank, the Alliance for Democracies, which also publishes the yearly Democracy Perception Index.
It’s not surprising that this year’s edition turned heavily security-focused, with nearly all talks and panels dealing with separate aspects of the war in Ukraine. Along with President Zelensky himself, the impressive speaker’s list includes some of the most prominent supporters of the Ukrainian cause, such as NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Liz Truss, Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, Czech President Petr Pavel, and Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas.
But perhaps the most meaningful aspect of Democracy Summit 2023 is the unveiling of the host think tank’s seven-pointed foreign policy program for addressing Ukraine’s both short- and long-term security issues, the Ukraine Charter.
The significance of the document is also meant to be underlined by its informal name, as it is directly inspired by the Atlantic Charter of 1941, the wartime declaration agreed upon by Roosevelt and Churchill. With all these heads of state legitimizing the Ukraine Charter, it should be regarded as the West’s collective program towards Ukraine, both during the war and beyond.
“Let us send a loud and clear message from this summit: freedom will prevail,” Rasmussen said in his speech, after underlining that a Russian victory would mean the defeat of democracy by the hands of autocracy worldwide. “Only a clear demonstration of determination deters despots,” he added, “that is why we must ensure that Ukraine wins the war and secures a sustainable peace.”
The seven points of the Charter, also published online, add up to a “comprehensive vision to help Ukraine” achieve those two goals. The points are as follows:
“We must ensure a Ukrainian victory,” Rasmussen underlined, “to ensure a world governed by the rule of law, and not the rule of the ruthless.”
However, as he circled back to the idea several times, he averred that the most important part was not so much Ukraine’s immediate victory but ensuring its security after the war. “Until Ukraine is covered by NATO’s Article 5, it will need robust security guarantees from its allies,” Rasmussen said.
The plan may be merely symbolic. Even so, it would still be interesting to know a few more details. For instance, who would the “core group” of partners to sign the binding security guarantees include? If Brussels were to decide to sign up for endless delivery and patrol duty on behalf of the entire bloc, this would be quite problematic.
We might consider what happens if Russia doesn’t give up Crimea, which has been de facto Russian territory for almost a decade now, or what happens if Crimeans or the people of Donbas insist on deciding their national allegiance for themselves. The Charter doesn’t say a single word about any referenda.
We might speculate how they plan to get Putin and his leadership to undergo trial by a special tribunal. The last time, Nuremberg only worked because Germany was reduced to a pile of smoking rubble, but we’re only still talking about Ukraine here and not attacking Russia … right?
When it comes down to it, the Democracy Summit has no international authority whatsoever, neither to implement these points nor to force any country to do so. Yet, judged by the attendees of the event, these points can be expected to be voiced more and more often in the coming months, transforming the Charter into the official Ukraine policy of the West—if it isn’t already.
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