The concept of a neoliberal ‘free market’ is fundamentally nihilistic.
The ideal of a market society (distinct from a society with markets) and that of an all-regulating central government, in principle, arise as opposite paths to the same destination.
Bosnia is not the way it is because of the Dayton system; it is the way it is because of the divided nature of Bosnian society.
Douglas Gresham vividly remembers the frosty December day he met his stepfather, the great Christian apologist C.S. Lewis, and later life.
Pope Pius XII was perfectly aware of the reality of the Shoah, so much so that he created an office within the Secretariat of State specifically dedicated to these issues. Pius XII tried—in vain—to alert the American authorities to what was happening in Europe, but the Americans did not believe it.
What then is the conservative approach to the question of foreign policy intervention? The answer is reassuringly inconclusive: it depends.
We who watch the wilderness fearfully, we do not become knights.
One cannot be a ‘citizen of the world,’ and the sense in which it is invoked often tends to accompany a vexed gesture meant to cast off the weight of provincialism, thick accents, and attachments.
Are we not already seeing Europeans cast as bloodless believers in empty pietisms, and has Europe not, for some time now, been seen as an ineffectual beached whale on the far west of Asia?
The communist revolution of today is far more difficult to fight than that during the 20th century. Perhaps the first thing that needs to be done to bolster our fight is admit that what we are facing is essentially a revolution aimed at moving the world towards communism.
I do not like revolutions in any case, but I especially dislike the proposals of the Davos Jacobins.
Standing athwart the emergence of a ‘literal society’ which no longer appreciates irony, nuance, or sarcasm, the intellectual Alain Finkielkraut’s embrace of high culture makes him a reactionary in today’s France.
