Another use of the imperial past is possible: one that does not collapse empire into nationality, one that assumes overlapping rather than contradicting spheres.

In our own time, we have seen the rise of calls for Burkean ideals on the Left. Think only of the Social Democrats in the UK, a party that had some influence in the 1980s but are almost entirely unknown today, who are against the wokeism dominating the current political debate, and who seek to preserve local customs, and use the very conservative sounding slogan “family, community, nation” as their header on their website.

EU leaders discussed their response to a pandemic situation that’s quickly evolving. “Urgent administration of booster shots” and “overcoming vaccine hesitancy,” which also entails “addressing disinformation,” remained primary goals, though it was agreed to “take forward the implementation of COVID-19 therapeutics via joint procurement.”

President Macron wants the EU to reform budget rules to increase public-sector investments, which, he hopes, would lead to stronger economic growth and higher levels of employment. Macron’s vision is understandable, but his reforms are likely to defeat their own purpose.

President Macron has denied that immigration is out of control. But his assurances contradict official data from the government statistics agency, INSEE, which show that net migration numbers have risen steadily since the early 2000s.

Like any great performer, Boris knows his audience. So when, last month, it came to his first in-person speech at a Tory Party conference as leader—it is not surprising that we heard little about the challenges facing the UK. Instead, we were left smiling at jokes about lockdowns accounting for the fall in reported crime or, better still, about the return of beavers to the British countryside—“Build back beavers”—and enough alliteration to keep a poet happy for months. Here was Boris promising nothing except that it would all be alright.

Progressives believe that the right-wing populists must be destroyed. Not because populists are smashing norms; it is because they are, in many cases, defending the norms that progressives are busy dismantling.

Our institutions of higher learning nevertheless reveal how, even within a formal meritocracy, entrenched privilege can co-exist with an appearance of fairness. When the lower rungs of the ladder are kicked away by those already on top, social mobility grinds to a halt and the meritocratic promise loses its capacity to inspire.

The issue here is not Eastern Europe vs. Western Europe, or even traditionalist Europe versus progressive Europe. The issue is preserving real cultural diversity within a European Union.

“Anyone who says nationalism isn’t too bad is now labeled far-right,” says Nicolaus Fest MEP (AfD), speaking about the upcoming elections and the political realities of Germany.

One of the West’s problems is that at the end of the Cold War, it has been uncertain of its purpose—which has engendered a moral and political crisis, especially in the face of the threat of Islamic terrorism.

Unionism has long been a negative creed—it has defined itself by being opposed to things—while her opponents appear, by contrast, progressive and modern. To win hearts and minds, unionists need to make a positive case for the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. But today Ulster’s unionists appear more disunited and demoralized than at any time in the last century.