The language has changed, the uniforms have changed, but the underlying assumption—that sovereignty is a problem to be managed, not a right to be exercised—remains the same.
“The 1989 Taif agreement naturalized half a million Muslim Arabs who do not share the slightest common cultural characteristics with Lebanon.”
The danger of 1938 was not too much realism—it was too little. And that is what we risk repeating today, not by negotiating, but by refusing to do so.
Judicial systems across Europe view themselves as guardians of an ideological order that treats populists not as a constituency to be represented but as a pathology to be contained.
Public order is not an optional luxury, but the precondition for prosperity and a decent common life.
The People’s Salvation Cathedral affirms that modernisation can only occur in harmony with a people’s spiritual roots.
The UN does not even pretend to be a servant of a moral order rooted in law anymore. It serves only the balance of its own internal politics.
“The triumph of moral relativism, embodied in woke ideology, represents the death sentence of Western civilization.”
When the war ends, Moscow will come looking for its money, and European taxpayers will be legally bound to return it. And that’s just part of the problem.
If prosperity truly meant anything to our sclerotic institutions, they would invest less in immigration policy and more in innovation.
The French president desired to be Jupiter; instead, he became Icarus.
Under her watch, Brussels ceased to be a boring, technocratic steward of the common market and has become a missionary empire—zealous, punitive, and utterly disconnected from reality.
