Postliberalism, Integralism—What Does It All Mean?
In trying to make sense of the current madness, it is easy for anyone to be like the blind men with the elephant.
In trying to make sense of the current madness, it is easy for anyone to be like the blind men with the elephant.
One of the terrible features of modernity is that we measure everything by the criteria of productivity and success. But we were not made to be productive, nor to be successful, at least not as our world understands such terms. We were made to flourish.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión noted that the request to remove pro-life lobbyists was based on the assumption that abortion is a fundamental human right, though it has never been enshrined as such in European law.
June, then, is a time of taking stock of the wonderful inheritance that those who stand for the Good, the True, and the Beautiful have been given.
Why are we allowing corporations to profit both from the desperation of people struggling with infertility and women in poverty?
Can the lived conservatism of the Postliberals find common ground—and common political cause—with the universalist notions of natural right, justice and equality espoused by the Claremont School? On this question, I believe, hinges the fate of a new conservative fusionism updated to meet the challenges of our time.
Restoring our proper relationship with the natural world, it must be asserted, does not entail a retreat from nature, but a renewed immersion in its mystery and a humble submission to its laws.
How is it that the greatest of all democracies has been transfixed by abortion politics for decades? The answer is simple and unpopular: It is because there is still a battle being waged for the soul of America.
We are subject to a host of techniques by which social control is exerted and through which traditional institutions are eroded. What follows is an attempt to catalogue the array of spells in the grimoire of our political elites.
Only a society of narcissists, concerned only with the endless accumulation of their own egos, would treat both the born and unborn as objects to be manipulated, consumed, and discarded in the process of ego-production.
The communist revolution of today is far more difficult to fight than that during the 20th century. Perhaps the first thing that needs to be done to bolster our fight is admit that what we are facing is essentially a revolution aimed at moving the world towards communism.
I do not like revolutions in any case, but I especially dislike the proposals of the Davos Jacobins.
Standing athwart the emergence of a ‘literal society’ which no longer appreciates irony, nuance, or sarcasm, the intellectual Alain Finkielkraut’s embrace of high culture makes him a reactionary in today’s France.
We must know how to trust great literature, which invites the deployment of intense and demanding feelings. The elevation of the soul of the youth suffers in the absence of great literary works; they remain constricted in an elementary vision of the world, of feelings, of relationships between people.
The numbers of Nigeria’s dead and displaced on account of recent violence vary widely, but in October of last year, Aid to the Church in Need (ACN International) was reporting anywhere between 3,000 and 36,000 people had been murdered.
What strikes one is Karl von Habsburg’s willingness to say things which—while entirely true—would not be said by any current politician. Moreover, it hints at a vision entirely in keeping with that of his Habsburg predecessors, yet once again altered to fit the vastly changed circumstances in which we now find ourselves.
Malcolm Muggeridge’s late discovery of Christianity is an example for today’s conservative intellectuals.
My ‘microaggression’ was met with what might be deemed a ‘macroaggression.’ Whereas I was seeking no confrontation and sought not to make her or anyone else feel uncomfortable, she confronted me directly, specifically to make me feel uncomfortable—and she succeeded.
Another use of the imperial past is possible: one that does not collapse empire into nationality, one that assumes overlapping rather than contradicting spheres.
In my country of Great Britain, I am worried by those Muslims who use the country’s liberties and laws to undermine our civilisation and heritage. I went on a journey across the country to understand modern British Muslim culture, but I kept one eye on the history of Islamic civilisation, too.
Trans activists wield an enormous amount of cultural power, and their ideology is far from discredited in the eyes of progressive politicians, delusional academics, and their media microphones. Yet, from the British Isles to the Continent to the Nordic nations, people are beginning to wake up.
In our own time, we have seen the rise of calls for Burkean ideals on the Left. Think only of the Social Democrats in the UK, a party that had some influence in the 1980s but are almost entirely unknown today, who are against the wokeism dominating the current political debate, and who seek to preserve local customs, and use the very conservative sounding slogan “family, community, nation” as their header on their website.
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