Awakened by Euthanasia?

Manos Bourdakis, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

Spain’s latest assisted suicide should sober the ardor of ‘right-to-die’ advocates everywhere.

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There’s a disarming chill to seeing one portrait of the late Noelia Castillo that made the rounds once the 25-year-old gang assault victim and suicide attempter became the youngest Spaniard to be euthanized, legally, three weeks ago. Smiling coyly at the camera, her bulging eyes windows into a gentle soul, she appears to dwell in a timeless realm beyond pain and pleasure; her pallor shines a mystical glow, at once ghostly and angelic. Right-to-die advocates touting her ‘victory’ following a two-year lawsuit may be eased by her serene stare. Yet precisely in lieu of the ache and frailty that earned her passage to the afterlife, Noelia here exudes grit and vitality and resolve to overcome and sublimate. Her glare even seems to harbor clues of the life-and-death mystery, a lesson or epiphany she couldn’t have uttered in her earthly torment.

The bill that rendered Noelia’s assisted suicide legal passed in 2021; Spain is very much in the opening salvos of an open-ended bioethical experiment familiar to the Netherlands, Belgium, or Canada. Among other insidious lessons, the country is learning that euthanasia’s victims—or ‘beneficiaries’—can become, once dead, the cause célèbre of both sides of the fraught issue. Noelia will be firmly cast into that role until another case gives the next measure of the law’s excesses.

Hers is an outlier, not only in age but in substance: out of Spain’s 1,120-odd euthanasia requests granted in five years—under half of the total—most were made by patients over 50, suffering from severe tumors or other terminal neurological diseases. Noelia’s pain was acute, and chronic, but singularly entangled in depression and the man-made contingencies that caused it. Her father lived as a careless drunk before becoming the main obstacle to the judicial and social steamroller bound for his daughter’s life, delaying the syringe by two years through a tireless struggle in court. Noelia had spent time in foster homes amidst taunting youths, her family either too poor or distant to care. The gang assault came as a tipping point at age 21. One family source blames Maghrebi migrants who entered the country as unaccompanied minors, a group whose numbers have spiked across Spain in the last decade. Noelia failed to report it, but not out of repressed memory: less than four days later, she jumped off a fifth floor, the resulting neck-down impairment leading to a disability assessment of 74%.

Two years later, she petitioned for euthanasia in her native region of Catalonia. Amidst the qualifying criteria, her display of ‘autonomy’ seems to have weighed heavily against the more medically objective measures of pain and prospects of decline. Together, these would likely never have met the standard of “intolerability” but for the psychiatric and life conditions in which the physical pain stung Noelia’s frail body.

Meanwhile, every lurid detail proved irresistible media fodder. Noelia’s family intrigue became prey to sensationalism the moment Spain’s High Court overturned appeals by her father and a Catholic legal advocacy, with prime-time tabloid shows virtually camping outside her home and hospital till her final breath. Pundits and anchors sensed the opportunity to clutch their pearls, feign sorrow, or both. All sides indulged in virtue-signaling, though Noelia’s own utterances were unscrupulously exploited mostly by the pro camp. In particular, viral videos in which she lackadaisically longs for a painless death—for her suffering to matter no less than that of the family she would leave behind—became seemingly irrefutable grounds to take her life. For a society attempting to argue in shock, there was a sense of foregone argumentative balance—and thus, of a foregone conclusion. Spain suddenly realized it had cast itself in a group led by Northern European nations that have enthroned ‘on-my-terms’ bodily autonomy over death, warped the meaning of compassion, and lowered medical and social thresholds of what is and isn’t ‘insufferable.’

With a new age record set for assisted suicide, Spain’s vertigo as it peers down the familiar slippery slope is more dizzying still. Noelia’s case would strain legal boundaries in countries where euthanasia has been legal for longer, fluid and downward-sloping though the boundaries may be. Yet it will at best become a salient data point in a larger experiment Europe seems intent on pursuing: a test of how far parliaments will go in fiddling with life-and-death boundaries and whether—provided that they wish to—course correction is in the cards. Coverage of the case may slip it into parliamentary hearings and expert reports elsewhere, though it’s not like scenarios like hers hadn’t been warned about in due course. More likely, the case won’t even help reverse course in Spain, where many heretofore liberal voices have expressed recoil, only to revert back to silence soon after Noelia was rushed out of the news cycle. Therein lies the travesty of euthanasia laws: once legislated, they’re hardly adaptable to the rolling evidence they produce, especially if choosing when to die is enshrined as a ‘right’ somewhere deep in the public subconscious.

These legislative ‘milestones’ are of a piece, in fact, with a relentless West-wide, managerial-therapeutic surrender, a tectonic shift to extirpate pain from society by entrusting judges and experts. Once parliaments, prey to emotion, empower the faceless boards of scientists, doctors, and NGOs to administer death, who may wrestle that power away?

In arguing for Noelia’s place in life, anti-euthanasia advocates were up against something more perverse still: a teenage-woke mindset that Western adults seem unwilling to confront—or too keen to hide behind—and that exploits at once our intolerance to pain and our inability to confront youth whims. Noelia was idolized as both a prostrate martyr and a paragon of self-rule. Catholic groups and former care home friends requesting to speak to her were deemed atrocious intrusions, while prime-time media attention was deemed par for the course.

Unlike with older, terminal patients, the case also bears out that the more euthanasia is extended across age groups and conditions, the more easily it entwines itself into extra-medical afflictions that double as convenient distractions. The first such eclipse concerns, precisely, Noelia’s dubious ‘autonomy.’ Her now-honored death wish seemed very much entangled in her prior, failed suicide attempt, but few were willing to reject the former the way they would have confronted the latter. Few people would have stood idly by if they had burst into Noelia’s room while she was leaning out of that window in 2022; yet many egged her on in 2026, even as the consequences of that ill-faced suicide attempt were perversely adduced as vindication of her plea for euthanasia. This should cause deep reflection about how the evil of suicide is to be dealt with after it’s been attempted—including when it’s attempted in reaction to an unspeakable evil inflicted on the attempter.

Her autonomy aside, Noelia was doubtless dealt poor cards at a young age. Yet too often those bales and misfortunes—the sexual assault, the loneliness and estrangement, the general social anomie that blighted her journey—are treated either as unidirectional gateways into the non sequitur of euthanasia or deemed far graver than the underlying bioethical depravity that took her away. These social ills—the insecurity wrought by mass migration, the loneliness and family dysfunction—form part of a rot so deeply ingrained that Spain has its work cut out: when does a euthanized corpse become a societal mirror? On one hand, Spaniards are right to look beyond the 2021 law proper, into how Noelia’s suffering ought to have been prevented and palliated. Yet crucial though that preventive work may be, these unpicked threads of her misery memoir converge into a totum revolutum that risks shouting out the very singular problem of whether someone may choose to die and be assisted only by stating that desire. The country would ideally be debating all issues at once, but too often, it found itself damning Noelia’s sexual predators and wishing for a world where they may never have entered the country so the harder conversation about the 2021 law need not be had.

Spaniards who remained opposed to Noelia’s wish, for instance, did so despite filtering much of their stance through the prism of her rape. It’s almost as if, despite remaining opposed, her death came as vindictive relief, the case for borders now resting on a deadly victim—if secondary and psychological—of a (migrant) assault, rather than on a paraplegic, half-alive being who could barely make that case anyway. The debate underlies a profound shift on the populist right seen elsewhere in Europe, away from unpopular bioethical concerns and towards the more electorally fruitful bread-and-butter.

Indicative, too, of such a shift—and of the post-truth morass in which it occurs—is the amount of flimsy news going around in Noelia’s wake. A missive sent by the U.S. State Department to Madrid, allegedly in rebuke, made it into national news, as if only our Holiness Donald J. Trump may redeem Spain from its self-inflicted legislative dead end. The chair on the board that oversaw the process leading to Noelia’s death was accused of links to an organ harvesting network, an allegation some think should necessarily move the needle of opinion in future cases. As if, absent shady material interests lying behind the policy, we should be forced to surrender before the logical infallibility of mercy killing. The disputes seemed to go up a notch the week after Noelia’s passing before going mostly silent: markers of a society unsure of the call made on its behalf but that doesn’t care much after all.

And still, these all remain distractions from the core. Most of the debate’s focus stayed on the death board’s discretionary call and subsequent court rulings. Few people, in other words, were willing to take into account the adversity Noelia faced, while at the same time openly opposing her stated wish (in fact, opposing anything she said or did). Perhaps the pro-life camp sensed defeat but remained terrified of being cast as usurping the language of Godly punishment; of surmising that Noelia’s paraplegia may have been the source of unspeakable pain but also the consequence of an objectionable suicide bid, the failure of which shouldn’t become a death sentence. Regardless of its validity, this would have doubtless landed as an odious argument, an injunction to live in pain. But the case was odious by nature, and instead proponents of life have sat idly as the framing of the debate rapidly closed in on them, with little imagination on their part to offer new framings.

Jorge González-Gallarza (@JorgeGGallarza) is a senior coordinator for the Iberosphere and senior fellow at the Center for Fundamental Rights.

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