The Constitutional Coup and the Building of an Authoritarian Regime in Hungary

A large crowd attends a demonstration organised by the former government party-coalition Fidesz–KDNP (Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) to protest against the 17th amendment to Hungary’s constitution, in front of the Sándor Palace in Budapest on July 9, 2026.

ATTILA KISBENEDEK / AFP

Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party are dismantling democratic Hungary as we have known it since 1990.

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I belong to the generation that brought about genuine regime change in Hungary. I had the privilege of being part of the overthrow of the communist regime, when, in 1990, after decades of dictatorships forced upon us by the German and Soviet occupations, the Hungarian people finally won their freedom and established a democratic constitutional state.

In 2011, the National Assembly, the sixth freely elected after the change of regime, adopted Hungary’s Fundamental Law, thereby bringing the transitional period of the regime change to a close, establishing guarantees of national sovereignty, laying the foundations of the democratic rule of law, and setting Hungary on the path to prosperity.

After the 2026 elections, the Tisza Party changed Hungary’s constitutional system through a constitutional coup. Following the 17th amendment to the Fundamental Law, Hungary is no longer a democratic state governed by the rule of law. An era of autocracy has once again dawned in Hungary.

The Tisza government’s constitutional amendments, in fact, flout the written and unwritten fundamental principles of European constitutional democracies and fundamentally alter Hungary’s constitutional order.

Firstly, through tailor-made legislation with retroactive effect, they are preventing the leader of the largest opposition party from standing as candidate for Prime Minister again. Viktor Orbán is being cut off from the people, and the people are being cut off from Viktor Orbán.

Secondly, without any constitutional justification, they removed the democratically elected President of the Republic from office with a single line included in the final provisions of the amendment to the Fundamental Law. Through tailor-made constitutional amendments, they are removing the President of the Constitutional Court and terminating the terms of office of several constitutional judges. In doing so, they are abolishing  the separation of powers, eliminating checks and balances, and dismantling the rule of law.

Thirdly, they are establishing a new investigative authority —a political police force —endowed with extraordinary powers and operating under only limited judicial review. Public media will be placed under direct government control.

Fourthly, the term of office for members of parliament will be limited to twelve years. This will effectively remove a significant proportion of well-known political figures from political life. If such a rule were in place in the European Parliament, 164 MEPs would be barred from standing for re-election. Manfred Weber or Daniel Freund would not be able to stand. In Germany, nearly sixty percent of CDU MPs would be excluded from the next election. The Italian Prime Minister, the German Chancellor, the Spanish Prime Minister or Donald Tusk would not be able to stand again. The severe restriction of the right to stand for election has brought an end to political competition in Hungary. And where there is no free political competition, there is no democracy either.

Any of these measures would, in itself, be extremely serious. However, taken together, with these gross violations of the Fundamental Law, the new rulers of Hungary have created an illegitimate system aimed at the exclusive exercise of power.

The arbitrary and dangerous decisions of Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party are unprecedented in Europe. That is precisely why the deafening silence of the European Union’s institutions is particularly grave and inexplicable. For many years, Brussels engaged in incessant political attacks against and the vilification of patriotic Hungary, whilst the European Parliament, in a political witch-hunt, debated Hungary almost on a weekly basis for years on end. The European Commission withheld EU funds to which the Hungarians were legally entitled, citing so-called rule-of-law concerns. Now, however, at a time when the democratic rule of law is truly being dismantled in Hungary, these same institutions remain silent. All this proves that the so-called rule of law procedure is nothing more than a political tool of blackmail, devised to rein in Member States that oppose the mainstream power politics of Brussels and defend their sovereignty tooth and nail. With this complicit silence, Brussels has lost all credibility on rule-of-law issues once and for all.

In Europe, the same scenario has been repeating itself for more than a decade. The liberal-globalist elite, who call themselves progressive, are attempting to sideline their political opponents through targeted legal proceedings, constitutional reforms that disregard democratic principles, and the use of criminal law. The objective is the same everywhere: to render sovereigntist, patriotic and nationally committed politicians and parties incapable of functioning through politically motivated proceedings and political reprisals.

That is not the freedom and democracy that we, the people of Central Europe,  fought for.  We reject that in Europe, a centralised system and its allies should once again use the instruments of power to decide who may stand for election and who must be removed from public life through administrative measures. We will therefore fight with every available lawful and democratic means for free and fair elections, and to eliminate all forms of politically motivated discrimination.

No one should be allowed to take away the Hungarian people’s right to a free, safe, and peaceful life and to prosperity.

If we give this up, Hungary loses. And so does Europe.

Dr. Tamás Deutsch is a founding member of Hungarian conservative party Fidesz. He was a member of the Hungarian Parliament between 1990 and 2009, the Minister of Youth and Sports in the first Orbán government, and then the Deputy Speaker of Parliament between 2004 and 2006. He has been a member of the European Parliament since 2009, and the head of the Fidesz delegation to the European Parliament since 2019.

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