Migrants collect their belongings during the dismantling of their camp under the overhead railway line at Stalingrad metro station in Paris on November 5, 2025.
BERTRAND GUAY / AFP
As we reported yesterday, the European Parliament approved the new returns regulation on Thursday, which opens the door to the creation of centres for illegal migrants in third countries. It is not just a technical reform. It is, above all, the symptom of a political shift that until very recently would have been unthinkable within the Union.
The result —389 votes in favour, 206 against and 32 abstentions— reflects more than a temporary parliamentary majority. It marks the advance of an agenda promoted for years by conservative and patriotic parties, which have managed to turn into policy what was previously denounced as unacceptable by much of the European establishment.
For weeks, in the corridors of Brussels, there had been speculation about a possible blockage. Pressure from Germany, with the CDU and SPD trying to restrain Manfred Weber, suggested that the European People’s Party might pull back at the last moment. It did not happen. And that detail is perhaps the most significant of all.
What happened in this vote confirms that something is shifting within the main political group in the European Parliament. The EPP, traditionally aligned with the social democrats and the liberals on major issues, is beginning to break with that logic.
Europe needs responsibility, not political games!
— EPP Group (@EPPGroup) March 26, 2026
The EPP Group delivers on its promises and on migration.
Today, the European Parliament adopted a clear position for a credible and efficient return policy.
It is deeply regrettable that the Socialists could not support a… pic.twitter.com/yws3fo7atc
In this case, it not only maintained its support for a tougher migration framework, but did so in coordination —explicit or tacit— with groups to its right. A scene that until recently would have set off alarm bells across Brussels.
This shift is not ideological. It responds to a very concrete political pressure: the electoral rise of patriotic parties across numerous Member States, the erosion of previous migration policies and a growing public perception of lost control over borders. The
The new regulation incorporates precisely some of the proposals these groups had been defending for years: faster deportations, greater detention capacity and, above all, the externalisation of migration management.
The main novelty of the text is the possibility of transferring illegal migrants to return centres located in third countries. Not necessarily in their countries of origin, but in states with which the Union signs specific agreements.
The model does not emerge from nowhere. Italy had already attempted to apply it with the construction of centres in Albania in 2024, although that experiment was blocked by judicial decisions. Now, the European Parliament turns it into a legal option within the EU framework. And this represents backing for what Prime Minister Meloni has been trying to implement for months.
According to the regulation, these centres must respect fundamental rights and will not be allowed to host unaccompanied minors. What is clear, however, is that the objective is to reduce the incentive to reach European soil and, at the same time, facilitate expulsions.
This is combined with a broader tightening of the system. Migrants will be required to “actively cooperate” in their return process, under threat of sanctions that may include the withdrawal of benefits or even prison sentences. The detention period may reach up to 24 months in certain cases.
For those considered a security risk, the text foresees accelerated procedures and stricter restrictions, including indefinite entry bans.
The rejection from the social democrats, greens and left-wing groups was immediate. They denounced an alleged “shift to the far right” by the EPP and warned about the risk of mass detention and violations of fundamental rights. But beyond the statements, the reality is that they failed to stop the process. This contrast highlights a loss of influence in an area —migration policy— where they had shaped the narrative for years.
From the Patriots group, one of the key actors in the negotiation, the result was interpreted as a strategic victory. In their statement, they stressed that “Europe is finally beginning to equip itself with real tools to control its borders and curb uncontrolled illegal immigration that has placed our societies under strain.”
They also added that “the externalisation of returns is not an ideological measure, but a practical necessity in light of the failure of previous policies.”
In private, several MEPs acknowledge that the success cannot be explained solely by parliamentary arithmetic, but by a broader political shift. Cooperation between groups that were once isolated —what for years was known as the cordon sanitaire— is now a reality in certain dossiers.
Thursday’s vote leaves a conclusion that is hard to ignore in Brussels: the political balance is shifting. And with it, policy is changing as well.
