The European Central Bank’s latest rate hike is built on an inflation forecast that’s likely to prove far too modest.
On July 7th, the outcome of Marine Le Pen’s trial will determine not only the RN’s candidate for 2027 but also the party’s political line.
While the core countries, centered around the French-German-Italian triad, struggle with a stagnant economy, outliers attract business investments and in return get strong GDP growth.
A society can survive temporary economic hardship. It can recover from military defeat. It can rebuild cities destroyed by war. What it cannot easily recover from is the loss of civilizational self-confidence.
From Greece to Bulgaria, there are faint but promising signs that Brussels may have realized that it cannot whip member states into fiscal compliance.
A proposed elder care reform in Germany becomes a stark symbol for the end of the European model. As comfortable middle-class life becomes unattainable, economic stability and political tranquility wither away.
Sovereign states coordinating defence by consent, in preference to an emergency federalism that issues handbooks because it cannot field divisions: that is the only direction worth defending.
Neither tariffs nor the war in Iran can throw a wrench into Europe’s financial machinery like its home-grown problems can.
Businesses both foreign and domestic are turning their backs on Germany. The nation’s deindustrialization is no longer a fearful forecast—it is stark reality.
Overall, the elections point more toward gradual political reconfiguration than systemic rupture.
“We must lovingly safeguard the grandeur of humanity bestowed upon us and revealed in its fullness in Christ, the splendor of which no machine can ever replace,” the American pontiff wrote in his first encyclical.
Can Kirk’s measured, pragmatic conservatism meaningfully address a French Right forged by the irreparable fracture of 1789 or does it seem too mild for the depth of the revolutionary rupture that still defines modern French identity?
